On 11 March Chancellor Merkel warned that the SARS-CoV-2 – the virus for the COVID-19 – could infect between 60 and 70% of Germany’s population (DW, “Coronavirus: Germany’s Angela Merkel urges ‘solidarity and reason‘”, 11 March 2020). She was accused to spread panic (Ibid.). Chancellor Merkel’s point was to highlight the very real danger Germans faced.
In this article, we explain why, indeed, as stressed by Chancellor Merkel, a pandemic such as the COVD-19 is something serious. We do so by establishing a crude baseline worst case scenario that helps us assessing the magnitude of the threat. The seriousness of the danger then determines why political authorities must consider the pandemic and why they need to take such drastic measures as complete lockdown of countries. Most importantly the severity of the threat determines actions and then real impacts. Meanwhile, we also explain how the rate Chancellor Merkel used was calculated.
Since the start of the pandemic, then still an outbreak, many commentators permanently try to minimize the possible extent of the threat. Rather than getting rational assessments and scenarios with acknowledgment of uncertainty and proper probability, we hear and read a vast array of comments and opinions most of them aimed at being positive, minimising problems, putting the economy first, while also often mocking others. As we pointed out earlier, this most probably stems also from the various interests of actors, added to many cognitive biases (see The Coronavirus COVID-19 Epidemic Outbreak is Not Only about a New Virus and The New Coronavirus COVID-19 Mystery – Fact-Checking).
Nonetheless, we must remember that the fundamental mission of political authorities is to ensure the security of those they rules (see What is Political Risk?). Meanwhile, and as fundamentally, individuals want to survive. Thus, when a very direct threat to life, such as a virus and its related disease, emerges and spreads, then, very rapidly, all other matters loose importance. Actually, the rapidity of the understanding of the magnitude of the threat will also determine the measures taken and the very actualisation of the threat.
Thus, the problem is to evaluate the potential direct threat to life, at individual and collective level.
How to evaluate the potential direct threat to life?
Uncertainty and being careful with what we know through the Chinese experience
Because the virus is new, and as all serious scientific actors dealing with the SARS-CoV-2 and the COVID-19 permanently stress, much is still unknown about both the virus and the disease.
Furthermore, most of what we know about the illness and its spread comes from China. It thus includes the way the Chinese handled the epidemic. Our current knowledge thus contains elements about the virus and the disease that can be universally applied, as well as, possibly, idiosyncrasies. We should not forget that China deployed gigantic means to face the epidemic (Report of the WHO-China Joint Mission on Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) – 16-24 February 2020). These means and actions influenced the way the disease “behaved”.
They may also have influenced the virus itself. Indeed, and even though further research is needed, in an early study, Xiaolu Tang, Changcheng Wu, et al. found, studying the genomes of the SARS-CoV-2, that
“… these viruses evolved into two major types (designated L and S) … Whereas the L type was more prevalent in the early stages of the outbreak in Wuhan, the frequency of the L type decreased after early January 2020. Human intervention may have placed more severe selective pressure on the L type, which might be more aggressive and spread more quickly. On the other hand, the S type, which is evolutionarily older and less aggressive, might have increased in relative frequency due to relatively weaker selective pressure.”
Thus, we must be very careful when applying the “Chinese” experience elsewhere. We must work at distinguishing variables and at understanding the processes and dynamics at hand. This is nothing knew in science, as comparative approaches are, for example, detailed in John Stuart Mills’ ASystem of Logic (1843) with the method of agreement, of difference and combinations thereof (e.g. Encyclopaedia Britannica).
Using a crude baseline “worst case” scenario
We are thus faced with a lethal threat incorporating many unknowns, even after two and a half months, which, by the way, in scientific terms is an extraordinarily short time. Now, humanity has known throughout history many epidemics and pandemics, and is thus aware of the possible catastrophe a disease spreading entails. But what is meant by a possible catastrophe?
Scientific communications and articles, as well as political ones, most of the time, shy away from giving absolute numbers.This is probably partly for fear to create a panic, out of humility because we do not really know, and out of anxiety at being later targeted as having been wrong. However, then, it becomes truly hard to understand the threat.
To know the risks we face, to be able to better understand what could happen, what is a catastrophe, then we need to be able to get an idea of the threat one can represent. The threat must mean something. This implies having at least a crude worst case baseline scenario in terms of fatalities. In other words, we need to have an idea of what would be likely to happen if we were not acting. The aim here is not to get something precise and accurate, but to have an imperfect idea of the possible magnitude of the cost in human lives terms.
A crude estimate of the lethal power of the COVID-19 threat
To be able to get a crude worst case baseline scenario, we need to have first a possible figure for the number of people that could be infected, if nothing at all were done. Of course, each country and each actor is already doing a lot. Thus, as highlighted, this crude baseline worst case will explain why various authorities are fighting against the pandemic. It will indicate the magnitude of the threat and thus of the responses.
We shall follow here epidemiologist Roy M. Anderson et al., who explains that
“A simple calculation gives the fraction likely to be infected without mitigation. This fraction is roughly 1–1/R0.”
This is most probably the calculation that is behind Chancellor Merkel’s figure for the rate of Germans the SARS-CoV-2 will probably infect (Ibid.).
We now have a range of possibles R0 for the COVID-19. The R0 have been estimated to be between 1.6 and 3.8 (see The New Coronavirus COVID-19 Mystery – Fact-Checking). Of course, the R0 evolves with time and actions, but we are only looking for a rough estimate. Anderson et al. use a R0 = 2.6 for their crude estimate, which corresponds to 61.54%, and is within the 60% to 70% range given by Chancellor Merkel.
Using these R0, we thus have the following worst case baseline scenarios table, for the world, with an estimated population of 7.7 billion people:
R0
1,6
2,2
2,6
3,8
% of infected population: 1–1/R0
37,50 %
54,54 %
61,54 %
73,68 %
Estimated case fatality rate
0,3 %
1 %
2,2 %
3,18 %
0,3 %
1 %
2,2 %
3,18 %
0,3 %
1 %
2,2 %
3,18 %
0,3 %
1 %
2,2 %
3,18 %
Infected population in million
2887,5
4200,0
4738,5
5673,7
Estimated deaths in million
8,7
28,9
63,5
91,8
12,6
42,0
92,4
133,6
14,2
47,4
104,2
150,7
17,0
56,7
124,8
180,4
Thus, at worst, considering what is known of the SARS-CoV-2 and estimated by 12 March 2020, assuming no action had been taken, we could have had to face between 8.7 and 180.4 million direct deaths worldwide.
It is important here to stress that the estimates are for direct deaths. Indeed, if we consider the Italian tragic situation, the case-fatality rate is much higher and reached a staggering 6.7% on 12 March 2020. Pr. Ricciardi gives various possible causes for the much higher CFR in Italy, ranging from ways to establish statistics to impacts of overwhelmed hospitals on death rate ( “Coronavirus, contagiati e morti: cosa succederà in Usa, Francia e Germania. Parla Ricciardi (Oms-Salute)“). The latter notably can be seen as indirect and cascading – yet very real – causes of death. They are thus not included in the crude estimate calculated here.
If we consider that the fatalities for World War II were between 70 and 85 million, then, at worst, the COVID-19 could have been more than twice as deadly.
You can do the math for each country. For China, for example, the potential fatalities could have meant between 1.6 and 32.4 million deaths; for the U.S. between 0.4 and 7.6 million deaths.
Assuming China has indeed completely overcome the threat and is not infected again by other countries as they become prey to the epidemic, the possible global fatalities are now lower. The baseline threat is nonetheless still there for other countries. And some risk remain also for China.
Those figures are indeed just crude estimates, but the very high possible impact justifies the immense efforts made. It justifies that each and every person takes the pandemic seriously.
And here, the sufferings of the 13.8% that will probably have severe disease and the 6.1% that will be in critical conditions is not taken into account (Report of the WHO-China Joint Mission on Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) – 16-24 February 2020, p.12.). If we apply the same calculation, in the case of a R0 = 2.6, thus of 61.5 % of the population being infected, this means that, without any action 653.9 million people would be at risk to suffer severely and 289 million would be in critical condition.
The staggering difference between the rough calculation above and the reality, in China, of the detected cases – 80945 on 13 March 2020 – then fatalities – 3180 – is both a tribute to the success of the mammoth Chinese efforts (WHO report, ibid.) and a twin warning. First, the difference between real and estimated figures stresses that rough worst case estimates are nothing more than a crude evaluation of the danger faced. Second, and maybe most importantly, the difference between actual figures and estimated ones also underlines that gigantic efforts may not be an option but an imperative necessity.
Can we create worst case scenarios for the COVID-19 pandemic?
Yes, definitely, we can. We can use estimates of scientific measurements to assess worst cases for the COVID-19 pandemic. This is actually necessary to know the extent of the threat, the risk and thus decide about the magnitude of the answers.
What could be the number of deaths caused by the COVID-19?
Worldwide, at worst, considering what is known of the SARS-CoV-2 and estimated by 12 March 2020, assuming no action had been taken, we could have had to face between 8.7 and 180.4 million direct deaths. This means the COVID-19 could have been more than twice as deadly as World War II.
As the COVID-19 spreads throughout the world, its cascading and multiple impacts deepen. As a result, fear spreads. Meanwhile, finance and business firms now started promoting the idea that the COVID-19 epidemic was a “black swan event”.
For example, Goldman Sachs, in its Top of Mind, issue 86 (February 28, 2020) featured an article titled “2020’s Black Swan: coronavirus.” It is “the event that no one expected”. This, by the way, as we shall explain below is not what a black swan event is. Similarly, as the idea spreads throughout the corporate world, we read that “Sequoia Capital, one of the world’s top venture capital firms, sent a note to the founders and CEOs of its companies on Friday 6 March 2020 describing the coronavirus as “the black swan of 2020″ and urging them to brace for coming economic shocks” (Reuters 6 March 2020: Latest on the spread of coronavirus around the world).
The only problem with characterising the COVID-19 epidemic as a black swan event is that it is untrue. At best it shows ignorance. This statement also underlines the complete incapacity or unwillingness of a large part of the corporate world, and of society more generally, to consider the future and plan ahead.
This article explains why the COVID-19 is NOT a black swan event.
Taled defines them “as unpredictable (outliers), with an extreme impact and which are, after the fact, revised as explainable and predictable”.
Actually, in a nutshell Taleb with The Black Swan denounces the problem and risks of induction, building upon David Hume and Karl Popper. Extremely briefly, an inductive reasoning runs as follows: all the swans observed are white, thus all swans are white… which is proven wrong when one black swan is spotted. Hence the danger of this reasoning.
If we follow Taleb, a “black swan” is an event that cannot be foreseen because there is neither knowledge about it nor methodology to anticipate it. Black Swan events are intrinsically unknowable.
Thus was the COVID-19 epidemic intrinsically unknowable and unpredictable?
Did we have knowledge to foresee the COVID-19 epidemic?
First, we know, considering for example the SARS epidemic, that coronaviruses exist and can lead to epidemic.
True enough the very specific strand of virus named COVID-19 was probably impossible to predict, but the emergence and spread of an epidemic of a coronavirus type was possible to foresee. Actually, such an emergence is almost certain. And the emergence of other epidemics of the same type and of other types is certain too. The problem is a problem of onset, of monitoring and then of handling of the outbreak.
Indeed, and second, since at least 2006, epidemiologists and serious people interested in national security and anticipation have summarised the issue for pandemics and epidemics with the catchphrase: “the question is not if but when”. They have been worried about it and they have fought to see epidemics and pandemics and their emergence and spread put on various national and global agenda. I can witness to this having worked with such a community of interest within the U.S. system.
Finally, since at least 2000, we know that biodiversity has effects on the emergence and spread of disease (e.g. Ostfeld. and Keesing, “Biodiversity and Disease Risk: the Case of Lyme Disease“, 2000). Since then, there has been scientific debate to understand how both relate. Thus, a conservative appraisal would be that biodiversity has both positive and negative impacts on the emergence and spread of disease, according to mechanisms we still do not understand very well (e.g. Angela D. Luis, et al. “Species diversity concurrently dilutes and amplifies transmission in a zoonotic host–pathogen system through competing mechanisms“, PNAS, 2018). Biodiversity is notably operative in the spill over of infectious diseases from animals to humans (Ibid.).
Considering the staggering rate of biodiversity loss, and our imperfect knowledge, then first this factor should have been considered. Second, the precautionary principle would have demanded that scenarios be crafted. As a result, actors would have taken into account the whole range of possibles for the future.
Thus, we had enough knowledge to consider the possibility to see epidemics and pandemics emerge and spread at all time. Hence the current epidemic was not intrinsically unknowable. Hence it is not a black swan event.
You may then argue that uncertainty is still part of our knowledge thus that we could not do anything to foresee the COVID-19 epidemic because of this uncertainty.
Thus, do we have methodologies and ways that allow to handle uncertainty? Can we foresee despite uncertainty?
Did we have methodological tools to foresee new types of epidemics
In serious strategic foresight, strategic warning, futurism and risk management – I mean people who are seriously and systematically applying proper methodologies to anticipate – we do have ways to handle these types of possible surprises.
Scenarios, for example, are a perfect way to handle issues presenting various types of uncertainties (e.g. Scenarios and our online course 2: Geopolitical Risks and Crisis Anticipation: Scenario building, where, by the way, a whole unit is devoted to Back Swan and Wild Card events).
Then, we have something that is called wild card scenarios and which aim at handling difficult cases (James Dewar, “The Importance of “Wild Card” Scenarios,” Elina Hiltunen, “Was It a Wild Card or Just Our Blindness to Gradual Change?” 2006). If we assume that an epidemic has a low probability of occurence – which we can debate considering biodiversity as well as climate change, then we can at worst consider the emergence of an epidemic as a wild card. Indeed, “a wild card is a future development or event with a relatively low probability of occurrence but a likely high impact on the conduct of business,” BIPE Conseil / Copenhagen Institute for Futures Studies / Institute for the Future: Wild Cards: A Multinational Perspective, (Institute for the Future, 1992), p. v). The idea was then popularised with John L. Petersen, Out of the Blue, Wild Cards and Other Big Surprises, (The Arlington Institute, 1997, 2nd ed. Lanham: Madison Books, 1999).
Thus we could have anticipated the COVID-19 epidemic at worst through such an approach.
As a result, if we had enough knowledge to anticipate the emergence and spread of a new global epidemic of a coronavirus type, and if we had the methodology to anticipate such an event, furthermore considering remaining uncertainties, then the current COVID-19 epidemic is NOT a black swan event.
The truth is that the corporate world and especially the financial world do not seriously anticipate events beyond one day, one week and at the very best three months. When they do anticipate, they are blinded by quantitative tools, as already denounced by Taleb (Ibid.). Meanwhile they think in silos. In general, despite of course exception, recruitment is done by people who have no clue about global risks and methodology to handle such risks. Recruiters privilege the wrong skills, using keywords and criteria rather than real understanding. Outside research and scientific circles, most of the time, basics of qualitative research and understanding, built over centuries, are now discarded. In most sectors, nepotism reigns. Fear of not pleasing the hierarchy or “the market” rule. Finally, there is also most probably a large part of wishful thinking and ego that stops such a successful crowd to properly and honestly consider the future.
Thus, no, the COVID-19 epidemic is NOT a Black Swan event. Thinking so will only allow people and firms who failed to shed any responsibility for their error.
On the other hand, is the COVID-19 epidemic a strategic surprise and a warning failure? Yes, definitely for many actors (although not for all). If we recognise this, then it will also be a way to humbly understand why part of the world was not prepared for the epidemic and why proper strategic foresight systems to anticipate it were not operational. And, so far, we are rather lucky as the case-fatality rate, although far superior to the influenza, seem to remain relatively low (see WHO and The New Coronavirus COVID-19 (ex 2019-nCoV) Mystery – Fact-Checking).
Recognising errors and mistakes is the only way to progress. It will be the only way to do better, when the next epidemic will emerge.
Bibliography
BIPE Conseil / Copenhagen Institute for Futures Studies / Institute for the Future: Wild Cards: A Multinational Perspective, (Institute for the Future, 1992), p. v).
Dewar, James A., “The Importance of “Wild Card” Scenarios,” Discussion Paper, RAND. – download pdf.
Hiltunen, Elina, “Was It a Wild Card or Just Our Blindness to Gradual Change?” Journal of Futures Studies, Vol. 11, No. 2, November 2006, pp. 61-74
Luis, Angela D., Amy J. Kuenzi, James N. Mills. “Species diversity concurrently dilutes and amplifies transmission in a zoonotic host–pathogen system through competing mechanisms”. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 2018; 201807106 DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1807106115
Ostfeld, R.S. and Keesing, F. (2000), Biodiversity and Disease Risk: the Case of Lyme Disease. Conservation Biology, 14: 722-728. doi:10.1046/j.1523-1739.2000.99014.x
Petersen, John L., Out of the Blue, Wild Cards and Other Big Surprises, (The Arlington Institute, 1997, 2nd ed. Lanham: Madison Books, 1999)
On 11 March, the WHO characterised the COVID-19 as a pandemic. The probability to see the WHO, finally, accepting the label had been rising everyday. Indeed, we have witnessed the proliferation of clusters and outbreaks globally, that led to the emergence of multiple epidemic centres.
Since we first published this article, the pandemic intensified. On 28 March 2020, we shall pass 600.000 cases confirmed, for those countries who are still testing people, and for those cases that are identified. We shall also probably reach 30.000 deaths globally. The U.S. and Italy have surpassed China in numbers of cases. Italy and Europe overtook China in number of deaths. 177 countries are infected. As we expected, even though China tries to restart its economy, it cannot as the remaining part of the world faces the COVID-19.
At the beginning of March 2020, the outbreak in China had peaked. However, by 3 March, confirmed cases had spread to more than 80 countries, by 8 March to 100 countries by 11 March to 114 countries (Andrea Shalal, Stephanie Nebehay, “WHO warns of global shortage of medical equipment to fight coronavirus“, Reuters, 3 March 2020; WHO situation report 8 March 2020, 11 March 2020).
By 3 March, three countries faced serious epidemic clusters: Italy, Iran, and South Korea (Ibid., John Hopkins CSSE, Tracking the COVID-19 spread in real-time. Meanwhile, six countries also struggled against outbreak clusters: France, Germany, Japan, Singapore, Spain, and the United States (Ibid.). One week later, on 8 March, France Germany, the U.S. and Spain seemed to be well on their way to declare they are in a situation of epidemic (WHO update, ibid.). New clusters then touched new countries, such as the U.K., the Netherlands, Belgium etc. (Ibid.). Actually, it is the whole of Europe that is now prey to the pandemic.
On the other hand, the epidemic outbreak seemed to slow down in one of South Korea’s cluster, which also faced a lower case-fatality rate than other countries, probably because of its extensive amount of testing (50/7134 = 0,7%).
The WHO was reluctant to declare a pandemic. On 2 March 2020, it reasserted its assessment according to which:
“What we see are epidemics in different parts of the world, affecting countries in different ways and requiring a tailored response.”
WHO Director-General’s opening remarks at the media briefing on COVID-19 – 24 February 2020
It is only on 11 March that the word pandemic was accepted:
“WHO has been assessing this outbreak around the clock and we are deeply concerned both by the alarming levels of spread and severity, and by the alarming levels of inaction. We have therefore made the assessment that COVID-19 can be characterized as a pandemic.”
What lies ahead is uncertain. Yet, we must prepare for it. The uncertainty and coming changes are the focus of this article and of the next ones.
Here, we look at two major characteristics of change. First, we articulate the difference between systemic and collective changes on the one hand, specific and particular ones, on the other. We give specific examples in the case of the COVID-19, at different levels of analysis. We look at the case of the disruption of supply of personal protective equipment and at the impact of travel disruption beyond tourism. Then, at the second level of analysis, we briefly contrast potential different risks’ conditions with the examples of Monaco and Singapore.
With the second part, we highlight that, to envision future changes, we must first shed an implicit and false belief that assumes a return to the past will follow the COVID-19 outbreak.
In future articles, we shall identify critical uncertainties, those that forbid a return to the past. To do so, we shall use the analytical methodology we created to help analysts in risk management. This method, “the chess analogy”, allows for identifying not only the factors and variables influencing an issue but also, and critically, their relationships and dynamics (see our online course: From Process to Creating your Analytical Model for Strategic Foresight and Warning, Early Warning, Risk Management and Scenario-building). Notably for complex issues such as epidemics and pandemics, it is impossible to continue only with old inadequate analytical models separating the world in distinct categories such as economy, health, social, political etc.
Systemic and collective changes frame specific impacts
The first crucial point to understand and plan ahead for changes is to distinguish and articulate between levels of analysis.
Levels of analysis
Indeed, the coming changes will form a larger generic framework within which particular situations will unfold. We can use the classical levels of analysis used in social sciences. In international relations, for example, following Kenneth Waltz, the first level of analysis is the individual level, the second level is the state (or polity) level and the third level is the system (Man, the State, and War: A Theoretical Analysis, 2001 [1959]).
Here, we address the general or collective dynamics, i.e. the second and third level of analysis. Each actor will then need to assess through specific research and commissioned reports how processes located at these levels, collective and systemic, impact their particular situation. Indeed, impacts will vary wildly according to the specificities of each actor.
One factor, different impacts at different levels
The case of the disruption of supply of personal protective equipment
Different impacts for different actors
If we take the example of an economic actor, the impact of the COVID-19 multiple epidemic outbreaks depends upon the activity of the actor. For instance, the WHO warned about
“the severe and increasing disruption to the global supply of personal protective equipment – caused by rising demand, hoarding and misuse.”
This factor will negatively impact all health actors in their mission, as well as individuals seeking protection from the COVID-19. It will impact both contagion and capacity to survive the disease.
On the other hand, the very same factor will positively impact local manufacturers of these equipments. Some small companies that may have known difficulties in facing foreign competition, for example from China, will find markets that had disappeared. Their geographical proximity and the fact they share the same experiences as their clients – indeed they are part of the same polity – will now give them a competitive advantage compared with outsourced supply. Furthermore, and to a point, the law of supply and demand will favour them. They may thus thrive for as long as the epidemic lasts. This may be enough for them to rebound.
When impacts feed back on other levels
Now, the accumulation of particular impacts at the first level of analysis will in turn have consequences at the collective and systemic levels.
For example, the rediscovery of the advantages of local production may, in the longer term, alter the systemic level, favouring and speeding the emergence of a new phase of national or local production. Meanwhile, the globalised liberal paradigm will be further adversely impacted. Various factors will condition the possibility, scope and speed of the changes at higher levels.
The case of the disruption of person exchanges and travels: beyond tourism
Similarly, the COVID-19 outbreak will unfavourably impact activities involving in person exchanges and travels. This is most obvious for airlines, cruise ships and long haul tourism. On the other hand, those companies that will succeed in providing a similar service while protecting their clients may develop and thrive. For example, the outbreak already benefits online activity.
The example of tourism and related activities is obvious. However, it is important not to stop there. We should also mention as dependent upon the same factors, scientific cooperation – yet crucial for example for the development of quantum information science (see our mapping of actors in Quantum, AI, and Geopolitics (3): Mapping The Race for Quantum Computing and following articles), the famous shuttle diplomacy developed since Kissinger, and Track II diplomacy (e.g. Jeffrey Mapendere, “Track One and a Half Diplomacy and the Complementarity of Tracks“, COPOJ – Culture of Peace Online Journal, 2(1), 2000, 66-81). What, then, will be the cascading impact on diplomacy and peace. Meanwhile, international organisations and their work are also impacted. For instance, the IMF-World Bank Group 2020 spring meetings have been transformed “to a virtual format” (IMF, “Questions & Answers about the 2020 Spring Meetings“, Last Updated: March 3, 2020). This may have further consequences on the systemic level as the very actors operating at that level are directly impacted.
Different possible fates for different polities: Monaco and Singapore
Similarly, moving to the second level of analysis, the COVID-19 outbreak will impact different polities in different ways.
Potential risks for Monaco?
If we take city-states cases, we may wonder about the vulnerability to the COVID-19 of, for instance, the principality of Monaco. The current open source assessment is optimistic yet highlighting the importance of the outbreak (Amy Cartledge, “Prince Albert II responds to COVID-19 in Monaco“, Monaco Tribune, 3 March 2020). Considering Monaco’s demographics, reliance on sporting and cultural events and luxury entertainment, we may wonder about possible economic impacts should the outbreak last throughout March and beyond.
Indeed, wealthy and very wealthy people also count people who are older and thus more likely to face the worst effects of the COVID-19, were they to be infected. For example and as indication, if we use the 2019 Forbes’ list of the The World’s Billionaires, and look at the 20 richest billionaires, we see that they are 66 years old as average, ranging from 89 to 35 years old. Fourteen of them are above 60 years old, and only four are less than fifty years old. Thus, they are more at risk to suffer from the COVID-19 than others. True enough, they may also mingle less but do they? This is only one indication, and as far as our Monegasque example is concerned, a detailed analysis would be needed. Nonetheless, this indication reveals a possible specific vulnerability.
In any case, a country such as Monaco depends on luxury gatherings, events, wealth and security for rich but also older people (e.g. Gouvernement Princier, “Practical measures to ensure that Monaco remains a dream destination“). It may well need to develop new and specific strategies to handle the possible impacts of the COVID-19 on its fundamentals, according to various scenarios.
Resilience for Singapore?
By contrast, Singapore, everything being equal and despite the existence of an epidemic cluster, is most probably more resilient. Indeed, Singapore, under the leadership of then Head of Civil Servants Peter Ho embarked in whole of government changes in 2004 to overcome the threat of external events (Peter Ho, “The RAHS Story,” in Edna Tan Hong, Ngoh & Hoo Tiang Boon, ed. Thinking about the Future, Strategic anticipation and RAHS, Singapore: NSCC & RSIS, 2008, pp. xi – xix). Among these events figured the SARS epidemic (Ibid.).
We could multiply almost ad infinitum the examples of factors created by the COVID-19 epidemic at second and third level of analysis having varying impacts at first and second level, according to specific situations.
It is thus crucial to develop a proper framework considering collective changes that each actor will then be able to apply to its specific case.
No return to the past
We thus have seen examples of how changes at the second and third level of analysis may impact diversely specific actors. Now, if we want to be able to fathom these coming changes, then we must overcome a major hurdle. We must allow ourselves to think out of the box. We must overcome our cognitive straight-jackets. We must make sure we envision all possibilities. This starts with debunking the mental models that hold us prisoners.
The myth of the return to the past
One such currently pregnant mental model is to think the world will come back to the situation before the start of the COVID-19 outbreak.
Most people, commentators and official actors seem indeed to believe that, at worst, a couple of days, weeks or maybe months will be difficult. Then, everything is expected to come back to normal. Rapidly, and even more so once the peak of the epidemic is past, the aim is to resume “normal production and life” (Zhou Xin, “Coronavirus: Xi Jinping sends message on China’s economy and getting back to business“, 12 February 2020).
If “normal” means a situation where the COVID-19 epidemic does not spread, then this perception may be right.
However, if by “normal” various actors and commentators think that the world will come back to what it was before the epidemic started, then this is a wrong assumption.
Can we apply the model of the stages of an epidemic to the world caught in an epidemic?
The belief in a return to the past may result from a projection, on the world, of the way an epidemic unfolds.
The stages of an epidemic model
For example, France applies to the COVID-19 outbreak an approach by stages it developed for the 2011 influenza epidemic, as shown in the image below.
Is Stage 4 “return to the situation ante” truly possible?
Stage 4 corresponds, in terms of actions, to a return to the “anterior situation”. However, the actions are related to the management of the epidemic. Thus, if or when the epidemic stops then the exceptional measures taken to handle the epidemic similarly stop. As a result, one may come back to the situation ante. For example, there is no need to mobilise the same medical personal. Quarantines are not needed anymore.
Yet, even in the medical and epidemiological field, it is likely that there will be no return to the past, stricto sensu. Indeed, human beings learn from their experience – hopefully. It is thus highly likely that the health systems, nationally and globally, will change out of the COVID-19 lessons learned. Thus, there will be no return to the past.
An impossible return to the past: the SARS epidemic and lessons learned
Now, if we apply the strictly epidemiological phase model to something else, then the possibility of a phase 4 that would be a return to the situation ante is even less possible.
Let us use the case of the SARS as comparative example. With hindsight, we know that the SARS epidemic changed things for ever. For instance, as pointed out earlier, Singapore embarked on a whole of government horizon scanning and strategic foresight policy also because of the SARS epidemic (Peter Ho, Ibid.). While implementing the new policy, Singapore changed. Moreover, it also developed related international actions that impacted the world (Helene Lavoix, Actionable Foresight: The cases of Singapore and Finland, a United States Department of State Commissioned Report, 2010). As a result, the whole world changed, even if most actors did not realise it consciously or are not aware of it. And this is only one instance of change. It is however sufficient to evidence that the world after the SARS epidemic was not a coming back to the situation as it was before the SARS.
We may also identify other candidates explaining the belief that life will resume as previously. Hope is most probably a strong explanatory factor. Interest too certainly plays a part, as those who benefited from the pre-COVID-19 epidemic system will want this system to come back. Other cognitive biases may also be at work.
Nonetheless, despite hopes, projections and other biases, we shall never come back to the world we knew before the outbreak. In other words, everything will change.
Thus, the nature, depth, and scope of the possible changes must be envisioned. Henceforth, we must identify the key variables that influence the existence, magnitude, speed and probability of these changes. This is what we shall do for key generic factors with future articles. Those who will be best prepared will survive best.
Featured image: This illustration, created at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), reveals ultrastructural morphology exhibited by coronaviruses. Note the spikes that adorn the outer surface of the virus, which impart the look of a corona surrounding the virion, when viewed electron microscopically. A novel coronavirus, named Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2), was identified as the cause of an outbreak of respiratory illness first detected in Wuhan, China in 2019. The illness caused by this virus has been named coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19).
Political risk is an idea many actors very often use. But what does political risk mean? What does political risk address? With the video below, we explain what is political risk.
Meanwhile, we experiment with a new medium. We also test an approach through brief explanations of fundamental concepts and ideas. Let us know what you think.
References and credits
A detailed bibliography on the modern state, with the references to Max Weber and Barrington Moore Jr. can be found here.
Concept, Design and Realisation – Dr Helene Lavoix
Art Direction – Jean-Dominique Lavoix Carli
Images (by order of appearance):
Winston Churchill watching Allied vehicles crossing the Rhine – 25 mars 1945 – photograph BU 2246 from the collections of the Imperial War Museums (collection no. 4700-30) by Morris (Sgt), No 5 Army Film & Photographic Unit – CC0 / [Public Domain].
Manif. Rouen-20-2019-01-05 by Daniel BRIOT from Rouen (France) /- CC0 / [Public Domain].
Timeline evolution of life by LadyofHats – CC0 / [Public Domain].
Pericles Gives the Funeral Speech (Perikles hält die Leichenrede), by painter Philipp von Foltz (1852) -CC0 / [Public Domain].
King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table, 13th century painting by Evrard d’Espinques – Original at the Bibliothèque nationale de France – CC0 / [Public Domain].
Lhassa : palais du Potala, photo by Royonx CC0 / [Public Domain].
Max Weber in 1894, from Wikimedia Commons, CC0 / [Public Domain].
Barrington Moore Jr – From Wikimedia Commons “Source – http://www.news.harvard.edu/gazette/2005/10.27/11-mooreobit.html – This picture is from a Harvard newspaper, depicting sociologist Barrington Moore. It is used for educational and illustrative purpose on Wikipedia to show what he looked like. Because he is deceased, no free picture can be taken. The use of this image here would in no way harm the copyright owner’s ability to profit from the image. Therefore, the use of this image is fair use.” Likewise, we use it for educational purpose.
When dealing with the future, we use a language that includes specific notions such as the expression of probability and of impacts. In terms of probability, for example, we use words such as “likely” and for impacts terms such as “severe”. Furthermore, to be truly complete, we should add a confidence judgement.
As explained by Heuer in the case of probability, these are expressions of subjective judgements. As a result, these words are a source of “ambiguity and misunderstanding” (Richards J. Jr. Heuer, , Psychology of Intelligence Analysis, Center for the Study of Intelligence, Central Intelligence Agency, 1999: 152).
Our members and trainees can download below a “cheat sheet” of these words with their explanations. For probability we provide the correspondence between subjective words and numerical probability.
Coverpage image: Peter Lomas via Pixabay [Public Domain]
Scenarios regarding the future of the COVID-19 epidemic outbreak in China and globally vary wildly (David Cyranoski, “When will the coronavirus outbreak peak?“, Nature, 18 February 2020). The estimates go from the outbreak peaking at the end of February 2020 to months away with millions infected (Ibid.).
The WHO Director-General stressed the necessity to remain careful as all scenarios remain possible, despite current decline in new cases in China (Remarks 17 February 2020). We have similarly differing assessments for the rest of the world.
Globally, for a while the WHO believed that we were facing a situation where efforts succeeded in keeping the epidemic under control (WHO Director-General, Munich Security Conference). As a result, it stressed these efforts must not be stopped (Ibid.).
A couple of weeks later, It is increasingly harder to believe the epidemic can be kept in check. The suggested actions remain to continue trying to contain the epidemic, even strengthening efforts.
We thus face a major risk. Actors could think that the apparently good results achieved mean that we can safely stop the various infection prevention and control (IPC) practices.
This challenge highlights the importance of anticipation and timing in handling an epidemic outbreak. If IPC practices are eased too early, then infections could rebound and the epidemics spread. If they are eased too late, then other unfavourable impacts could spread. This is all the more difficult that uncertainty regarding the virus and its epidemiology subsist.
We saw that each actor has to take decisions regarding the COVID-19 epidemic outbreak – or any outbreak linked to a novel virus – under conditions of high uncertainty and considering complex interactions (see The Coronavirus COVID-19 Epidemic Outbreak is Not Only about a New Virus). Thus, the key is to be able to anticipate at best the various possible dynamics of the situation. This must be done with the correct model, as explained previously. And this must be done with a particular attention paid to timing.
The timing of actions is always important, but it is especially so in the case of an epidemic outbreak. Indeed, timing, for some types of actions, will have direct consequences on the spread of the epidemics, with possible cascading effects. In the meantime, timing will also have more indirect consequences on international norms, international influence and power.
The importance of timing is the focus of this article.
We shall look at the three possible cases in terms of timing of actions: too early, too late, and timely. We shall contrast the challenges linked to the start of a new outbreak and those related to a lasting or ending outbreak. In each case, using examples, we shall highlight possible consequences on the epidemic itself, on the whole spectrum of activity for entire countries and on international influence. We shall use examples related to control of mobility and to the increasingly likely global disruption to the supply of drugs and medicines.
Too early
When a new outbreak starts
When a new outbreak starts, if actions and measures are taken too early, for example, in terms of mobility’s restriction, then consequences on the economy, notably, may be disastrous (Christensen and Painter, “The Politics of SARS“, Policy and Society, 2004). Furthermore, supply chains may become even more disrupted than in case of timely actions, with potentially very severe impacts. This may even trigger scarcity in areas, which are vital and strategic.
This explains, most probably, why, by 18 February 2020, the WHO has issued no restriction on travel and trade for the COVID-19 outbreak.
Furthermore, the WHO was also criticised during the 2002-2003 SARS epidemic for having taken these very restrictions. Those were considered as having contributed to the panic (Bulletin of the World Health Organization 2003, 81 (8): 626; Christensen and Martin Ibid.). Yet, according to Christensen and Martin, the WHO finally “emerged with heightened prestige and legitimacy” (Ibid. p. 39). Nonetheless, the criticisms most probably heightened the reluctance of the WHO Committee to issue again a ban on travel and trade.
Yet, regarding the SARS outbreak, had the WHO not delivered its early warnings, the outbreak could have been worse.
When the outbreak lasts and could end
As the outbreak lasts, timing remains as difficult to handle as when the epidemic starts. We are here however, considering reverse actions. At the start of an epidemic one must set up and increase, at the right time, IPC measures. As the epidemics ends, the actions must be taken in the opposite direction, relaxing IPC measures. However, if decisions are taken too early, for example regarding the relaxation of mobility’s restrictions, then this could lead to a renewed spread of the epidemic, with even worse impacts in other areas. Timing of actions thus also impacts the length of the epidemic outbreak.
For days, the ship remained at sea as ports refused to let it dock for fear of the COVID-19 infection. Meanwhile, the ship officers denied any infection. Finally, Cambodia accepted the cruise ship and let the passengers disembark. All tested negative. However, one passenger tested positive after arriving in Malaysia. As a result, now, new contact cases have appeared, and they all need to be tested (Ibid.). At worst, all passengers and staff of the cruise could be infected, although such a catastrophic scenario is not very likely.
What we see here, is a decision to relax control that is taken too early. It thus heightens the danger to see the epidemic spreading globally. The difficulty to use the current tests most probably played a part here (James Gallagher, “Are coronavirus tests flawed?“, BBC News, 13 February 2020). Furthermore, there is a rising uncertainty regarding the validity these tests (Ibid.). As a result, finding the right timing for some mobility related decisions becomes more difficult.
Dr. Mike Ryan, head of WHO’s emergencies program, tried to diffuse the problem regarding cruise ships. He remarked that:
“So if we are going to disrupt every cruise ship in the world on the off-chance that there may be some potential contact with some potential pathogen, then where do we stop? We shut down the buses around the world?” (quoted in Stephanie Nebehay, “Every scenario on the table’ in China virus outbreak: WHO’s Tedros“, Reuters, 17 February 2020).
The need to see the economic activity continuing can explain Dr Ryan’s comment. However, his statement may also have adverse impacts. It may favour a relaxation of IPC measures, when such action could be too early, as with the Westerdam cruise ship.
Furthermore, again, we note the contradictory signals sent by officials. Here, the WHO asks both to remain extra cautious and not to be in the case of cruises.
Too late
When a new outbreak starts
Not taking adequate measures early enough, even though these may appear as drastic, may also contribute to spread the epidemic. As a result, the costs across domains could be even higher.
The SARS epidemic and China
For example, China was criticised for the SARS epidemic for not having been able to handle properly and in a timely fashion the outbreak, while hiding its scale (Kelly-Leigh Cooper, “China coronavirus: The lessons learned from the Sars outbreak“, BBC News, 24 January 2020).
The costs were estimated for that outbreak to “the deaths of 774 people, spread of the disease to 37 countries and an economic loss of over US$40 billion over a period of 6 months” (John Nkengasong, “China’s response to a novel coronavirus stands in stark contrast to the 2002 SARS outbreak“, Nature, 27 January 2020, quoting Smith, R. D. Soc. Sci. Med.63, 3113–3123 (2006) and Lee, J.-W. & McKibbin, W. J. in Learning from SARS: Preparing for the Next Disease Outbreak: Workshop Summary, eds. Knobler, S. et al., National Academies Press, 2004).
The Servomex Company meeting in Singapore
The string of infections stemming from the Servomex company meeting held in Singapore on 20 January 2020 is a case in point.
At this stage, the possibility and severity of seeing an epidemic was still very uncertain. On 20 January 2020, only 268 new cases had been reported (John Hopkins CSSE: Tracking the COVID-19 (ex 2019-nCoV) spread in real-time). Furthermore, all eyes were focused on China. Meanwhile, no one wanted to risk endangering the current way of life model and economic activity. Hope that it was not truly an epidemic could still prevail. As a result, no measure truly considering the possibly global character of the epidemic were taken anywhere.
Yet, the WHO had issued it first warning on the new Coronavirus and its possible spread to other countries – at the time Thailand, on 13 January 2020. It was however not assorted of any guidance regarding meetings or travel.
And here is what happened, or part of it:
20 January: Over 3 days, the British firm Servomex, a global gas analysis company, held a conference at the Grand Hyatt Singapore (Tan Tam Mei and Tiffany Fumiko Tay, “Coronavirus: Gas analysis conference at Grand Hyatt Singapore linked to infections“, The Strait Times, 7 February 2020). 109 employees attended the conference. Some of them arrived as early as 16 January. One of the overseas attendees had come from Wuhan.
The 94 international attendees left Singapore and, for most, went back home, all over the world.
“A middle-aged man from Hove, East Sussex”, after having attended the conference, went “to the French ski resort of Les Contamines-Montjoie near Mont Blanc, where he stayed with his family” until 28 January. The group was also in close contact with others in another apartment (Haroon Siddique, “‘Super-spreader’ brought coronavirus from Singapore to Sussex via France“, The Guardian, 10 Feb 2020).
In Singapore, a 38 year-old woman from Singapore (case 36) reported symptoms, visited her doctor, then went to hospital on 4 February (Tang See Kit, Ibid.).
A 51 year-old Singaporean man (case 39) reported symptoms. “He visited two GP clinics on Feb 3 and 5, respectively, before being admitted to NCID on Feb 6 (Tang See Kit, Ibid.).
Meanwhile, the Sussex businessman “on the evening … visited a local pub, The Grenadier, in Hove” (Siddique, Ibid.).
2 February (probably): the man from Selangor tested positive (Loh Foon Fong, Ibid.).
4 February: A 36 years old Korean man, having attended the conference, self-quarantined at home, when he heard about the infected Malaysian. Indeed, he had had dinner in Singapore with him (Choon, Ibid.).
5 February:
The sister of the Malaysian man tested positive (Joseph Kaos, Ibid.).
On that same day, the two Korean men tested positive (Choon, Ibid). This sparked an investigation by the World Health Organisation (Tan Tam Mei and Tiffany Fumiko Tay, Ibid.). This enquiry possibly led to the identification of further cases below.
5 or 6 February: The Sussex business man tested positive in Brighton. He was transferred to special facilities in London (Siddique, Ibid.; Sarah Boseley, Denis Campbell and Simon Murphy, “First British national to contract coronavirus had been in Singapore“, 6 February 2020).
7 February:
The 38 year-old woman from Singapore (case 36) tested positive (Tang See Kit, Ibid.).
Singapore increased its threat level for the epidemic (Siddique, Ibid.).
8 February:
Five British nationals tested positive in the French Contamines-Montjoie. They had stayed with the Sussex businessman (The Guardian Coronavirus outbreak live, 10 Feb 2020, 16:34).
The 51 year-old Singaporean man (case 39) tested positive (Tang See Kit, Ibid.)..
9 February:
Another British man was tested positive in the UK. He had returned from France and belonged to the same “Contamines-Montjoie group” (Topping and Badshah, Ibid.).
10 February: The UK Secretary of State declared “that the incidence or transmission of novel Coronavirus constitutes a serious and imminent threat to public health” (ibid.).
12 February: The business man from Sussex, Steve Walsh is “discharged from hospital and is no longer contagious” (Alexandra Topping and Henry McDonald, The Guardian, 12 February 2020).
16 February: A British citizen in the contact cases of Contamines-Montjoie tested positive in France (L’Express avec l’AFP “Coronavirus : un 12e cas détecté en France“, 16 February 2020).
This timeline shows how easily it is for an infection to spread completely unnoticed because actions are taken too late to stop it. Fortunately, in the case of the COVD-19, the case-to-fataliy rate is relatively low. Yet, the way it spreads remind us of worst case scenarios as depicted by Hollywood movies such as Contagion.
The spread of the contagion through this string of infection and clusters is now, hopefully, stopped, and no death will result. Yet, the risks taken were actually huge in epidemiological terms.
The cost involved in looking for multiplying cases must also be considered, as well as costs to reputation for example.
Furthermore, delayed actions also contribute to raise the level of anxiety and fear, possibly leading to even more drastic reactions by other types of actors.
For example, the Mobile World Congress (MWC) – which was to be held in Barcelona – was finally cancelled (e.g. Tom Warren, “The world’s biggest phone show has been canceled due to coronavirus concerns“, The Verge, 12 February 2020). Even though we would need detailed interviews to sort out factors and motivations in decisions, we noted that Sony and Amazon’s decision to withdraw from the event took place on 10 February, thus following the happenstance of the UK/France cluster of infection detailed above. The companies only stressed “concerns about the spread of the virus”. Ericsson, LG and Nvidia had also pulled out of the show (The Guardian Coronavirus outbreak live, 10 Feb 2020, 15:33).
Thus, late decisions regarding travel and screening actually appear to also have a large global and multidimensional impact. Considering the two coronavirus epidemics (the SARS and the COVID-19), it would be interesting, once the epidemics is over to make a thorough comparison of the two types of behaviour and of their cost.
Dangers to the supply chain of drugs and medicines and possible shortages
Late decisions may also become critical in terms of supply chain disruption. Here, however, the actions are not related to mobility and to the attempt at controlling the contagion. Actions are related to the necessity to live under conditions of epidemic outbreak.
For instance, on 14 February 2020, some European Health ministers, notably France warned of possible drug supply disruption, even though the EU commissioner took a reassuring stance (Toni Waterman, “EU health ministers warn COVID-19 could lead to drug shortage“, 14 February 2020). By 17 February, the EU Heads of Medicine Agencies (HMA) had issued no warning or report on the matter (see HMA, recently published up to 17 February 2020). The new stress impacts an already tense situation in terms of drug shortage as pointed out by the Finnish health minister (Ibid., Angela Acosta et al., “Medicine Shortages: Gaps Between Countries and Global Perspectives“, Front. Pharmacol., 19 July 2019).
In India, a “high-level committee constituted by the Department of Pharmaceuticals (DoP)” met to examine the situation regarding the export of drugs, in the context of the COVID-19 epidemic (Teena Thacker, “Panel mulls drug export curbs to avoid shortage“, The Economic Times, 10 February 2020).
Indeed, India acts as manufacturer of antibiotics with bulk drugs and active pharmaceutical ingredients (APIs) imported from China. However, it also needs drugs for its own usage, while needing to make sure prices for these drugs do not skyrocket. Hence it may decide upon restricting exports. In that case, the risk to supply in other countries would increase. India must take a decision that protects first its citizens.
On 17 February 2020, this decision, right now for “12 medicines — mainly antibiotics, vitamins and hormones” appears as increasingly likely as the expert committee will hand in its report to the government on 18 February 2020 (Sushmi Dey, “Coronavirus outbreak: Government mulls export ban on 12 essential drugs“, The Times of India, 17 February 2020).
If India were too late, then it would have to face a possibly major crisis of drug shortage and thus a health crisis. Meanwhile, other actors need to factor in not only India’s possible decision regarding exports’ restrictions, but also its timing as it will impact reserves and the supply chain. Furthermore, if we imagine as is likely that finally India decide to restrict export, then others’ actors decisions which could have been timely otherwise may suddenly become too late. In turn a new sanitary crisis may be triggered elsewhere.
In the U.S., advocates and groups seeking to rebuild a national capability in terms of drug production point out the risk in terms of national security (Michele Cohen Marill, “The Coronavirus Is a Threat to the Global Drug Supply“, 28 January 2020). Here we also see cascading impacts at work: ancient decisions regarding production of drugs led to outshoring of key drugs’ components. From the point of view of ensuring indeed drug supply in case of a lasting outbreak in countries producing these key component – in our case China – decisions to face and mitigate the possibility of such possible shortages should have been taken before the epidemic outbreak. The problem for the U.S. as for other countries, is also heightened by India’s role as manufacturer and the possible exports’ restrictions.
So any decision taken once the outbreak is at work is probably too late, as capabilities to manufacture drugs and their components cannot be created instantaneously.
Of course, concerned actors need to carry out very detailed analyses per drug and component, factoring in all impacting variables, as explained previously.
Similar analyses will need to be done for any sector and any product.
In the meantime, the sudden awareness of the risks taken may well contribute to fundamentally change the international system with a redefinition of national policies in terms of drug production. The very norms of the international system here will likely be impacted. Indeed, the current trend towards a nationalisation of globalisation we observed in 2016-2017 is likely to be strengthened (see Helene Lavoix, Beyond the End of Globalisation – From the Brexit to U.S. President Trump, 17 February 2017).
When the outbreak lasts and could end
Here we would be in the case of actions that were taken too long after the epidemics actually ended. It is, however, not truly possible to identify such actions as the outbreak has not ended.
Nonetheless, for the sake of the exercise, we shall mentally, briefly, look at such a possibility in the case of the possible shortage of drugs. We shall also do it because, as the epidemics lasts and as other interests are imperilled, there is an increasing likelihood to see some actors using the argument according to which actions are not needed anymore to pressure others to see a relaxation of IPC.
For example, EU Chamber of Commerce President Joerg Wuttke warned that “The world’s pharmacies may face a shortage of antibiotics and other drugs if supply problems from China’s coronavirus outbreak cannot soon be resolved” (Gabriel Crossley, “China virus outbreak threatens global drug supplies: European business group“, 18 February 2020). This is a warning that is consistent with what we highlighted previously.
However, he also adds that China makes things worse”with a mandatory quarantine of arrivals from abroad as it battles the virus” (Ibid.). Mr Wuttke may be partly right, but the quarantine China imposes may also have as aim to avoid reinfection, which is always possible.
Should China relax the quarantine for arrivals from abroad, we may imagine that contagious foreigners could enter the country and create a new cluster of infection. In turn, this would just deepen all supply problems and not solve them. We would here be in a case of a relaxation of IPC measures taken too early.
However, Mr Wuttke’s point may be understood as the opposite, that some of China’s measures are lasting too long. For him, relaxation measures will be too late.
As an epidemic lasts, stress increases and multiple impacts, notably unfavourable, develop. To the least, what was the norm and the system has to change, when human beings in general fear change. Meanwhile, compared with the start of a new outbreak, knowledge and understanding has improved, but not enough to allow for the disappearance of epidemiological uncertainty. As a result, it also becomes increasingly difficult to assess the proper timing for all actions.
Timely is very difficult but benefits are numerous
As the cases explained above made clear, acting in a timely manner is very hard in the context of a new epidemic outbreak.
Compared with what we saw for the SARS epidemic, so far, the Chinese political authorities’ handling of the COVD-19 outbreak is considered as having progressed as lessons were learned (Cooper, Ibid., Nkengasong Ibid.). The WHO highlighted and welcomed the commitment and enormous efforts of China (Statement on the second meeting of the International Health Regulations (2005) Emergency Committee regarding the outbreak of novel coronavirus (2019-nCoV), 30 January 2020).
On 15 April 2020, the WHO Director-General reasserted this assessment at the Munich Security Conference, interestingly stressing the time component:
We are encouraged that the steps China has taken to contain the outbreak at its source appear to have bought the world time, even though those steps have come at greater cost to China itself. But it’s slowing the spread to the rest of the world.
Yet, even in that case, uncertainty remains as to the global spread of the epidemic. The European CDC underlines both the Chinese efforts and the remaining uncertainty:
“The scale of these measures [those taken by China] is unprecedented and the economic costs of such measures to the Chinese economy are considerable. Although the effectiveness and collateral effects of these measures are difficult to predict, they are expected to limit the immediate likelihood of further spread of the virus via travellers returning from Hubei province and China in general…”
ECDC RAPID RISK ASSESSMENT Outbreak of acute respiratory syndrome associated with a novel coronavirus, China – third update. 31January 2020 – p.4.
Using these comments and assessments, we see that taking as timely as possible measures is commended internationally, even though incertitude may remain.
First and obviously, timely actions protect the population, which is or should be the first priority for any political authority that wishes to remain legitimate (Moore, Injustice, 1978).
Furthermore, the article assessing China’s efforts in Nature goes on highlighting a need for preparedness for Africa (Nkengasong, Ibid.). China is thus used as example for Africa (Ibid.). This may be an early signal that China will be able to extend its influence as a consequence of its handling of the new Coronavirus epidemic.
The feat of successfully building a 1000 bed modern real hospital in 7 days will also, most probably, be a component of future Chinese influence. Indeed, it very practically demonstrates capabilities and thus power. We shall note that all steps of the construction then opening of the hospital were monitored and publicised worldwide in international media and through social networks (e.g. Amy Qin, “China Pledged to Build a New Hospital in 10 Days. It’s Close,” The New York Times, 3 February 2020). This is not to say that it was all a plot by the Chinese authorities. However, the Chinese were smart enough to think long term. They widely publicised their immense efforts to control and overcome the COVID-19 epidemic outbreak.
As seen in this article and previous ones, the highly uncertain conditions surrounding an epidemic outbreak, the difficult anticipation, the need to assess properly the timing of actions, all contribute to the diffusion of confusing messages.
However, as we are forced to try to understand we reasons for confusion, we can also progress towards a better model to anticipate, and plan ahead in the context of an epidemic outbreak. Meanwhile, the way we can usefully monitor the epidemic also improves.
We still have to make sure that our model is fit for the current epidemics and for the coming ones. Thus, we have to make sure that no cognitive biases block understanding and that novel factors are also included. This is what we shall see with the next articles.
Further detailed references and bibliography
Tom Christensen & Martin Painter (2004) The Politics of SARS – Rational Responses or Ambiguity, Symbols and Chaos?, Policy and Society, 23:2, 18-48, DOI: 10.1016/ S1449-4035(04)70031-4.
Moore, B., Injustice: Social bases of Obedience and Revolt, (London: Macmillan, 1978).
Credit Featured Image: “This is a picture of CDC’s laboratory test kit for severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2). CDC is shipping the test kits to laboratories CDC has designated as qualified, including U.S. state and local public health laboratories, Department of Defense (DOD) laboratories and select international laboratories. The test kits are bolstering global laboratory capacity for detecting SARS-CoV-2.” [Public Domain]
The coronavirus epidemic is “a very grave threat” because “Viruses can have more powerful consequences than any terrorist action”. This is what the WHO Director stressed as an international meeting of 400 scientists and other experts convened in Geneva (Sarah Boseley, “Coronavirus should be seen as ‘public enemy number one’, says WHO“, The Guardian, 11 Feb 2020).
Thus, as for any threat of this magnitude, it is crucial to fully understand the danger to be able to design the right course of actions.
In this regard, this article explains that to understand the new Coronavirus COVID-19 (ex 2019-nCoV) epidemic outbreak and its dynamics, we must consider not only the virus but also move to a larger framework taking into account all actors. This is congruent with the activation of a UN Crisis Management Team on 11 February 2020.
However the UN team will focus on the “wider social, economic and developmental” implications of the outbreak.
Here what we argue is that the right model for an outbreak must consider all actors and interactions, not only because of non-medical impacts as done by the UN, but also because of feedbacks on the outbreak itself.
We previously highlighted that the new coronavirus 2019-nCoV was apparently surrounded by a mystery. This mystery was generated by confusing signals sent by various actors regarding the severity of the outbreak. There, we pointed out that the very uncertainty stemming from the novelty of the virus was one factor creating the mystery. Meanwhile, these confusing signals were also dangerous and could favour the very spread of the epidemic.
Yet, the story does not stop there. The confusing signals also emerge from the difficulty, for all actors, to handle the epidemic. The heightened difficulty is best understood if we consider all the actors and their interactions. This is the focus of this article.
First we explain that, to understand an epidemic outbreak, we must consider all the actors and their interactions and not focus exclusively on the new Coronavirus COVID-19. Then, we detail further this model. We explain how we can consider and model the interactions among actors to include feedbacks. We notably highlight a couple of key elements, including the importance of conflicting priorities and goals.
Revising our model for understanding an epidemic outbreak
What is puzzling in the new coronavirus COVID-19 outbreak, is, actually, the reactions of human beings. This is notably the case when these individuals have authority status, be it health authorities, political authorities or CEOs and boards of large international companies.
Looking at this behavioural human dimension is what will give us the key to understanding why actors send confusing information.
Indeed, we have here a strong signal that an outbreak is not exclusively a medical and hard science issue. It is also about human beings and the way they perceive, behave, and react to the disease. This was, for example, already outlined by Lofgren and Fefferman (2007), when the authors highlight the importance of the use of games to validate simulation models in applied epidemiology that allow for incorporating important human behaviours. Similarly, the 2002-2003 SARS epidemics was examined through the lenses of political science, and seen, for example “as a political process, involving political leaders, administrators and health professionals” (Tom Christensen and Martin Painter, “The Politics of SARS“, Policy and Society, 2004).
We are thus faced with a situation where actors interact according to various underlying processes. These processes can be understood through the use of sociological, political and international relations knowledge.
Including politics and political science
We have to include politics because the role of political authorities is crucial. This is exemplified in China, or more recently by the UK “Secretary of State [who] declares that the incidence or transmission of novel Coronavirus constitutes a serious and imminent threat to public health” (Department of Health and Social Care, “Secretary of State makes new regulations on Coronavirus“, gov.uk, 10 February 2020; e.g: The Guardian Live Coronavirus outbreak). Another instance is Singapore raising its threat level on 7 February 2020 (Aradhana Aravindan, John Geddie, “Singapore lifts virus alert to SARS level, sparking panic buying“, Reuters, 7 February 2020).
Taking into consideration international relations
We must also incorporate international relations because an epidemic in general, the COVID-19 outbreak in particular, is by essence potentially global while political authorities are involved. As a result, if we have many political authorities involved that are bound to interact, then we are in the realm of international relations.
The involvement of international organisations, such as the WHO, is an instance of this international relations’ layer. Furthermore, besides its actions, the WHO also promotes a specific agenda related to a multilateralism as the next sentence evidences: “This is exactly what WHO is for – bringing the world together to coordinate the response. That’s the essence of multilateralism, which is very important for the world.” (WHO Director-General’s remarks at the media briefing on 2019-nCoV on 11 February 2020).
Thus, here we see an international actor positioning itself at the international ideological and normative level (see the two schools of international relations, liberalism versus realism, e.g. Korab-Karpowicz, W. Julian, “Political Realism in International Relations“, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2018 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.); as well as the English School of International Relations theory, e.g. Tim Dunne, The English School, The Oxford Handbook of Political Science, Edited by Robert E. Goodin, Jul 2011).
Out of these interactions among actors, dynamics unfold. This framework will allow for understanding the outbreak and its mutiple impacts, monitoring it properly, warning about it, as well as planning in advance through strategic foresight and scenarios.
The actors’s interactions in the outbreak
Each (collective) actor involved in the outbreak must be understood not only in itself but also in its relationships to all the other actors. For each actor and group of actors, the beliefs and perceptions about oneself, others, the virus and the situation must be taken into account. We must also consider the way the beliefs and perceptions evolve. Indeed, these beliefs and perceptions will condition behaviour and actions.
Ensuring survival under conditions of uncertainty
For instance, initially, we focused on the importance of survival for each actor. Ultimately this remains true. However, we must locate this objective into a more adequate framework. For example, how one reaches survival matters. When actors start thinking in terms of survival is also crucial. Thus, we must factor in the uncertainty related to the novelty of the virus, because this novelty bears upon the actors’ assessment of the situation. As a result, this uncertainty will also weigh upon decisions and actions. Meanwhile, we must also consider competing objectives and the need for actors to balance these needs.
Reducing mobility is the only available strategy to buy time to develop a treatment or a vaccine
Let me explain this further. From the point of view of all political authorities, transmission must be stopped, while a way to cure people or make them safe, even if infected, is developed. Thus, time must be bought to allow scientists to understand the virus and, finally, to develop a vaccine as well as proper treatments.
As a reminder, there is no vaccine nor treatment so far for the 2019-nCoV. If a possible vaccine has been found as claimed in Hong Kong, at least one more year will be needed for tests notably to make it ready for human use (David Ho and Cornelia Zou, “Hong Kong researchers develop coronavirus vaccine“, Bioworld, 4 February 2020; Video below by Elaine Ying Ying Ly “Vaccine for new coronavirus unlikely to be ready before outbreak is over, says Sars expert”, SCMP, 10 February 2020).
This is anyway at the basis for many initial public policies regarding the 2019-nCoV outbreak, but – and the but matters – mobility and contacts are not completely stopped, by design or by incapacity.
Capacity to reduce mobility
First, this simple action is not at all simple to implement in real life, all the more so if contacts with animals must also be taken into account.
Yet, there has also been the entire period between the possible beginning of the epidemic and the time when it was noticed, then identified, during which mobility has not been stopped and thus during which infection has spread (e.g. Wu et al. Ibid., Lauren Gardner et al., “Update January 31: Modeling the Spreading Risk of 2019-nCoV“, John Hopkins CSSE, 31 January 2020).
Reducing mobility but for how long?
Up to 12 February 2020, the understanding of the disease and its development had led political authorities across the globe to create a system of containment and quarantine that lasted 14 days.
This study is not yet peer-reviewed, thus, is considered scientifically as not yet fit to be used for clinical purposes. Yet, in that case, considering the potential impact, can authorities wait? This study “extracted the data on 1,099 patients with laboratory-confirmed 2019-nCoV ARD from 552 hospitals in 31 provinces/provincial municipalities through January 29th, 2020”. Its authors appear to be 30 scientists and doctors from the China Medical Treatment Expert Group for 2019-nCoV. Thus assuming a modicum of check is done by MedRVix, the study so far looks genuine.
According thus to this study, “The median incubation period was 3.0 days (range, 0 to 24.0 days)”. This means, in the word of Prof Paul Hunter, Professor in Medicine, University of East Anglia (UEA) that
“…The suggestion that the incubation period may extend up to 24 days is definitely worrying, especially for people currently in quarantine who may, therefore, expect to spend longer is isolation.
“However, the median incubation period remains very short at 3 days. This means that a half of people who will get ill will have developed their illness within 3 days of the initial contact and the proportion of people with the really long incubation periods will be very small. …”
science media centre ” expert reaction to preprint on the incubation period of the novel coronavirus”, 10 February 2020).
The precautionary principle would demand that now all quarantines last not 14 days anymore but 24 days.
This shows how difficult it is to properly reduce the mobility when one knows so little about the virus.
Reducing Mobility versus other imperatives
Finally, other beliefs and goals also come into play that stop or delay drastic measures regarding mobility.
Let us continue with the telling example of Wuhan.
During the lockdown period between 23 January and 10 February 2020, for example, some high tech manufacturers considered as critical industries did not stop operations. This is in line with the importance of high technology and its development for China, with China’s national interest and objectives (see Helene Lavoix, “Actors and stakes: from IT companies to China and other states” in Artificial Intelligence, the Long March towards Advanced Robots and Geopolitics, The (Red) Team Analysis Society, 13 may 2019). For instance, “Yangtze Memory Technologies Co Ltd (YMTC), a state-backed maker of flash memory chips based in Wuhan” continues operations (Reuters, “Huawei, Chinese chip makers keep factories humming despite coronavirus outbreak“, 3 Feb 2020). Semiconductor Manufacturing International Corp (SMIC), one key chip foundry for China, with “facilities in Tianjin, Shenzhen, Beijing, and Shanghai” also did not stop work (Ibid).
Allowing for other goals when anticipating and modeling the outbreak and its impact
Thus what we see here is the Chinese political authorities trying to achieve three competing goals. They try to stop the infection to spread outside Wuhan and the province of Hubei, yet to save as many as possible in Wuhan and Hubei. Meanwhile they also aim at not endangering industries critical to their national interest.
It is thus clear that we cannot understand the epidemic outbreak and anticipate its spread, its lethality and its multiple impacts if we only focus on the virus and reactions to it.
Modeling the complex set of interactions involved in an epidemic
Thus, the easiest model to follow to map out the complex set of interactions for an epidemic is to look, for each actor or group of actors, at their objectives and needs, as mediated by their beliefs, and at their capabilities, out of which results their actions. These actions will in turn impact the other actors, their perceptions and beliefs, their capabilities and finally their actions. We are here in the framework of complex feedbacks.
As exemplified above, the Chinese political authorities must make sure their citizens survive the epidemic, but also that all the other types of material security are provided, while present and future needs in terms of protection of foreign enemies, as well as domestic peace are ensured (for the mission of political authorities, Barrington Moore, Injustice…, 1978). Hence, for example the decision to reopen factories and to send back citizens to work, progressively, starting on 10 February 2020 (e.g. Bangkok Post, “China stutters back to work as virus deaths soar“, 10 February 2020).
China, most probably, assessed it controlled well enough the outbreak to take the risk to stop the worst kind of mobility reduction. It also could probably not afford any longer a situation with a probably very large cost to its economy, with companies unable to pay salaries and employees starting to be laid off (e.g. Reuters, “Coronavirus Death Toll Surges as Fears Grow for Chinese Economy“, The New York Times, 11 February 2020).
Meanwhile., the situation was also starting to seriously disrupt supply lines across the globe. For example, on 7 February 2020, the South Korean government had to ask Chinese provincial governments to start again production because Hyundai in Korea had to stop automobile production as its supply chain was disrupted (Joyce Lee, “South Korea asks China for help in resuming production at auto parts plants“, Reuters, 7 February 2020). Here the risk for China is also related to a loss of markets, as manufacturers could turn towards other providers, such as Turkey, Bangladesh or Vietnam, for example (e.g. Ceyda Caglayan, “Turkish clothes makers see orders shifting from coronavirus-hit China“, Reuters, 7 February 2020). This would lead to markets lost for a very long period.
In the meantime, these decisions were also accompanied by a 6 February 2020 Chinese decision to amend guidelines on classification. According to the new guidelines, patients who tested positive whilst not exhibiting symptoms would not be counted anymore as “confirmed cases” but only as “positive cases” (Keoni Everington, “China changes counting scheme to lower Wuhan virus numbers“, Taiwan News, 11 February 2020 and tweet below by freelance reporter Alex Lam.
Yet, there is controversy. For example, Sylvie Briand, WHO director of global infectious hazard preparedness “dismissed earlier medical studies of some people having transmitted the disease without showing signs, saying they actually had “minor symptoms” that went undetected.” (Stephanie Nebehay, “WHO working on recommendations for resuming flights to China“, Reuters, 4 February 2020).
In the meantime, we may consider that the problem may also become the detection of symptoms, what is considered as symptom and at which level of strength.
One way or another, contagion by people which did not develop symptoms severe enough to be detected may be a likely explanation for the infection across Europe triggered by what has been called the “super spreader” (Haroon Siddique, “‘Super-spreader’ brought coronavirus from Singapore to Sussex via France“, The Guardian, 10 Feb 2020).
Not counting asymptomatic but infected individuals as confirmed cases would automatically lower the number of confirmed cases. This may be – or not – what led to the improvement in count of cases seen in China.
We may wonder about the rationale behind the Chinese decision. However, we may not exclude that it is linked to the need to see economic objectives met, while infection by individuals with undetected symptoms is assessed as less dangerous than infection with obviously symptomatic individuals. Meanwhile, considering the fact the medical community still does not know that much about the virus, this decision may prove dangerous.
It is nonetheless difficult to infer any intention behind statistical changes because, on 12 February 2020, China also decided to change the way to diagnose those who tested positive and this led to a sharp increase in both confirmed cases and deaths (BBC News, “What is the new diagnosis method?” in Coronavirus: Sharp increase in deaths and cases in Hubei, 13 February 2020).
Interestingly, as for the decision not to count asymptomatic cases, it is a freelance reporter from Hong Kong and then the Taiwan News that relay the information, highlighting too the political and international relations character of the epidemic outbreak.
Actually, China here, with these two changes created a new uncertainty that could have negative impacts. Indeed, as China seeks to see airlines resuming flights (Nebehay, ibid.) and to see activity going back to normal, creating uncertainty may not be the best way to restore confidence.
Thus, each actor must take its decisions regarding the epidemics considering conditions of high uncertainty, factoring in its other missions, while also modeling all the other actors’ perceptions and resulting actions. To be able to do that at best, they thus need to anticipate, and notably to consider timing, which is what we shall see with the next article.
The highly uncertain conditions surrounding an epidemic outbreak and the need to balance properly sometimes conflicting goals all contribute to the diffusion of confusing messages.
It thus enhances the need for proper anticipation using a proper model that is constantly reevaluated and monitored. Meanwhile the importance of the timing of actions increases. This is what we shall see with the next article.
Christensen, Tom & Martin Painter (2004) The Politics of SARS – Rational Responses or Ambiguity, Symbols and Chaos?, Policy and Society, 23:2, 18-48, DOI: 10.1016/ S1449-4035(04)70031-4.
Lofgren, E.T. and N.H. Fefferman. 2007. “The Untapped Potential of Virtual Game Worlds to Shed Light on Real World Epidemics”. The Lancet Infectious Diseases. 7:625-629.
Moore, B., Injustice: Social bases of Obedience and Revolt, (London: Macmillan, 1978).
Nishiura, Hiroshi, Tetsuro Kobayashi, Takeshi Miyama, Ayako Suzuki, Sungmok Jung, Katsuma Hayashi, Ryo Kinoshita, Yichi Yang, Baoyin Yun, Andrei R. Akhmetzhanov, Natalie M Linton, “Estimation of the asymptomatic ratio of novel coronavirus (2019-nCoV) infections among passengers on evacuation flights”, medRxiv 2020.02.03.20020248; 11 February 2020; doi: https://doi.org/10.1101/2020.02.03.20020248.
Featured image: Photo by Zhou Guanhuai – A screen display showing “early discovery, early report, early quarantine, early diagnosis, early treatment” during Wuhan coronavirus outbreak in Hefei, Anhui, China, 8 February 2020 – [CC BY-SA]
The new Coronavirus 2019-nCoV epidemic outbreak is a mystery. Indeed, since it became a concern in China at the end of December 2019 and in the early days of January 2020 (WHO timeline), the various actors and authorities involved have been sending contradictory signals regarding the outbreak. This is perplexing, and all the more so considering the potential severity of the situation.
What is truly happening? Strategic foresight and risk analysis, i.e. analysis made specifically to anticipate and evaluate future dangers and threats and their impacts, is more than ever necessary. Strategic foresight and risk analysis will help us considering all factors involved while being as objective and impartial as possible.
In this first article, we shall first detail further the mystery and perplexing ways the outbreak appears to trigger. Then, we shall check a couple of the “truths” spread to have a baseline assessment of what is happening, using scientific and reliable official data.
In the next articles we shall offer an explanation regarding the reasons for the cacophony we hear. Finally, we shall highlight major uncertainties that need to be considered to assess the impacts of the new Coronavirus epidemic outbreak as a global threat, i.e. using all available knowledge to look at multiple impacts across domains.
The COVID-19 (ex 2019-nCoV) Mystery or how to confuse people with contradictory signals
On the one hand, we receive signals according to which the outbreak is very serious and a global public emergency. For example, on 30 January 2020 the World Health Organization (WHO) declared we faced a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC). China and notably the epicentre of the epidemic, the city of Wuhan in the province of Hubei, is close to a complete lock down and quarantine. Many countries repatriate their citizens from China and put them under quarantine. International companies operating in China close down their offices and airlines stop their flights with China. The list of these decisions lengthens by the day (Reuters, “Companies feel impact of coronavirus outbreak in China“, 5 Feb 2020).
On the other hand, even though it declared a PHEIC on 30 January, the WHO “does not recommend any travel or trade restriction based on the current information available.” Some media, relaying experts’ analysis underline the need not to panic, and that, despite uncertainty, the new coronavirus is “not more dangerous than a seasonal flu epidemic” (e.g. Dan Vergano, “Don’t Worry About The Coronavirus. Worry About The Flu.’ Buzzfeeds, 28 January 2020; Maciej F. Boni, Associate Professor of Biology, Pennsylvania State University, “Is the coronavirus outbreak as bad as SARS?” LiveScience, 30 January 2020).
This 4 February piece of video by the BBC is a perfect case in point:
The beginning of the video is ambivalent. It tries to reassure and put the outbreak into perspective, meanwhile it also tends to minimize the epidemic. Furthermore it is done with a measure of irony and sarcasm, that could aim at ridiculing thus silencing any other analysis.
Then, one switches angle. Now, on the contrary, the video focuses on this Chinese Doctor who did identify a serious epidemic outbreak… but was silenced. Ironically, what is reproached to the Chinese authorities – we shall learn only at the end that it was actually the provincial police, and not the central authorities who were guilty of misjudgement – is to have silenced someone… which is exactly what the first part of the video does.
Nonetheless, at the end of the video, the overall message one get is that yes, it is serious but only in China. And that, anyway, all this is more or less related to the type of Chinese regime. Thus we may assume that one is expected to believe that outside China, such outbreak would never develop. We are not very far from seeing something akin to scapegoating China. This is is likely counter-productive, and also a well-known cognitive bias that mars analysis and understanding (“Bias Favoring Perception of Centralized Direction”, Heuer, Psychology of Intelligence Analysis, pp. 131-132; Module on biases in our online course Geopolitical Risks and Crisis Anticipation: Analytical Model). Meanwhile, the final message is that wherever, in China or elsewhere everything is for the best as the courageous Chinese Doctor turned whistleblower is about to be cured.
Unfortunately Dr Li Wenliang died on 7 February 2020. This sadly highlights even more the absurdity and danger of trying to deliver upbeat messages when facing a deadly epidemic outbreak.
Faced with such varied and often contradictory signals across platforms and actors, what should we believe? Is the situation dangerous and should we adapt our behaviour accordingly? Or could such a change of behaviour be ridiculous, even counter-productive? Is the new coronavirus outbreak just, in fact, business as usual? How can we be best prepared for the future if the possible futures look so uncertain? Are these conflicting signals sent creating, in themselves, anxiety? Do they favour polarisation as everyone tries to handle anxiety as s/he can? Why, finally, are such contradictory signals sent?
It is all about survival … within the “fog of epidemic”
Fundamentally the new Coronavirus epidemic outbreak, as any outbreak, is about only one thing: survival.
It is about survival for individuals. How likely am I to catch the disease? How likely are my loved ones to catch the disease? And most importantly, how likely are we to die if we catch it? Meanwhile, what to do to prevent being infected and then dying?
And it is about collective survival. How many and where can catch the disease? How many and where are likely to die? What can be done about infection and death, and by whom?
The collective questions and answers are actually more complex, as we shall see in the next article. But let us come back, for now, to the fundamental survival question.
The first and crucial element to highlight is that whatever the efforts of scientists and authorities involved, knowledge and measures about the epidemics are bound to change and evolve. Especially for new viruses, such as the COVID-19, when the first infections take place, our knowledge is close to nought. We do not even know if we are about to face an epidemic outbreak or not.
Thus, answers we get are uncertain. It is only when an epidemic is over that one can hope obtaining a completely clear understanding of it. And even once it is over, new discoveries and understanding can take place days, months, decades even centuries after it is over. For instance, there are still debates and new findings regarding the way the Black Death, the plague epidemic that devastated Europe in the 14th century and subsequent epidemics of plague until the 19th century, spread (e.g. Katharine R. Deanet al. “Human ectoparasites and spread of plague in Europe” PNAS, Feb 2018; Kristi Rosa, “Black Death May Have Spread Via Human Fleas & Lice, Not Rats“, Contagionlive, 19 January 2018; ).
When one is in the midst of an epidemic, it is as with war. We have to accept something akin to the fog of war, i.e. fundamental uncertainty (Colonel Lonsdale Hale, The Fog of War, 1896).
Indeed, if we look at an epidemic as an ideal-type we can also see it as a war of a sort. On the one hand, we have the virus or the pathogen that races to infect as many hosts as possible to replicate itself. On the other, we have human beings who try to defend themselves and defeat the aggressor. Human beings develop understanding of what is happening through scientific actors, try to keep death at bay through medical actors, while all other actors try to do what is best according to the understanding provided by science. And this is done within the framework of a race, because scale and capability matters.
Considering this uncertainty, how can we answer our fundamental questions on survival?
How fatal is the new Coronavirus?
First estimative case-fatality rates for the COVID-19 (ex 2019-nCoV)
We can get an estimative answer to this question by looking at what is called the case-fatality rate. The case-fatality rate is a statistical measure that is calculated by taking the number of death and dividing it by the number of confirmed cases for a specific disease (Encyclopaedia Britannica). In other words, the case-fatality rate tells us how many people who are infected die.
Unfortunately, as long as the outbreak lasts, our knowledge of the fatality rate is uncertain. This is why the fatality rate must be constantly monitored to adapt actions in case of evolution.
On 2 February 2020 18:10 (CET), for the 2019-nCoV, the global case-fatality rate is 362/17489 = 2,069% (data John Hopkins’ time series). On 3 February, it is 427/20701 = 2,1236% and on 4 February 494/24597= 2,01%(ibid.)
On 13 February 2020, the case-fatality rate is 1370/60360=2,2697%
However, if we look at the sole Hubei province in China, where the outbreak originated and is so far most serious, we have as fatality rate for 2, 3 and 4 February 2020 350/11177 = 3,1314%, 414/13522 = 3,0617%, 479/16678=2,8720% (data ibid). These are the lowest rates for the province since fatalities have been recorded and tested for the new coronavirus.
On 13 February 2020, for the Hubei province, the case-fatality rate is 1310/48206=2,7175%.
We clearly see that the epidemic is so far more dangerous than the seasonal influenza epidemics, even though it is indeed less lethal than other coronavirus such as the SARS or other diseases such as the Yellow Fever.
On the danger of not taking the outbreak seriously when infection takes place as symptoms are mild and cases asymptomatic
Of course, “more fragile” people are more at risks but that is not an argument is it? Furthermore, the lump case-fatality rate calculated for the seasonal influenza epidemics also includes “more fragile” people. As a result, arguments trying to dismiss risks by comparison with the seasonal influenza epidemics are wrong. They could even be dangerous if they led people not to take the outbreak seriously.
Indeed, one of the potentially dangerous characteristics of the new Coronavirus 2019-nCoV, if we consider the early German cases, is that infected individuals are contagious while they are both asymptomatic and symptomatic, and that symptoms indicating infection can be very mild. In the video below pulmonologist Dr. Seheult, using Rothe et al. 2020 “Transmission of 2019-nCoV Infection from an Asymptomatic Contact in Germany“, NEJM, explains very clearly the situation as understood on 30 January 2020.
Thus, minimising or even mocking the outbreak, encouraging people not to get tested, not to seek medical advice and not to adopt basic hygiene gestures then could favour the spread of the infection. In turn, this directly heightens the number of death. In the meantime, it increases the burden on medical facilities, which can both favour infection and also, potentially, indirectly increase the case-fatality rate.
This leads us to wonder about contagion.
How contagious is the virus and how many people could be infected?
In epidemiology, a couple of measures are used to evaluate the propensity to propagation of a virus and the ease or difficulty to control an epidemic.
Kucharski et al. R0= 1,6 to 2,9 – quoted by Danon et al. 12 Feb 2020
Liu et al. R0= 2,9 (2,3 to 3,7) – 25 January 2020
The efforts and the actions of the actors aim to reduce the R0 so that it falls below 1, which means the virus stops propagate (Qun Li et al., Ibid.). Once this objective is reached, then the epidemic is contained.
Comparing basic reproduction numbers
If we compare the new Coronavirus with other contagious diseases, we have the following table:
Disease
Ro
Transmission
Diphtheria
6-7
Saliva
Measles
12-18
Airborne
Mumps
4-7
Airborne droplet
Polio
5-7
Fecal-oral route
Rubella
6-7
Airborne droplet
Smallpox
5-7
Airborne droplet
Cholera
1.1 to 2.7 (Bangladesh & Zimbabwe outbreak)
Direct: person-to-person Indirect contact: water
2019-nCov
2.2 (Qun Li et al.) 2.68 (Wu et al.)
(estimates end January 2020)
SARS epidemic 2002-2003
2-4 (WHO 11/2003)
Respiratory droplets
Influenza H1N1 (1918)
2-4
Direct: airborne Indirect: touching infected surface and bringing hand to mouth or nose
EVD 2016
2.18 median (1.24-3.55)
Direct: bodily fluids Indirect: contaminated material
Plague (pneumonic – bacteria)
1.3
Airborne infectious droplets
MERS
0.7
ECDC (31 January 2020)
Incubation and transmission of the 2019-nCoV
Meanwhile, we know that “the mean incubation period is estimated to be 5.2 days (95% CI, 4.1 to 7.0), with the 95th percentile of the distribution at 12.5 days, which supports using 14 days as an operational definition for contact tracing and monitoring” (ECDC update, 31 January 2020). The Chinese Medical Association highlights on 5 February 2020 that the “Incubation period is generally 3 to 7 days, up to 14 days, during which infectious period may exist”.
New possible ways to become infected are also identified, tested, then confirmed or not, daily, and thus should be monitored.
As of 4 February 2020, the virus “can be transmitted through respiratory droplets or through contact. There is a possibility of fecal-oral transmission (see notably Coronavirus dedicated website). Meanwhile, the possibility of transmission through surfaces must also be taken into account.
Specific measures of hygiene as recommended by most countries’ official websites should thus be observed, as here, for example by the U.S. CDC.
All these are however only partial and potentially temporary answers to the question. The virus is not yet understood enough to give a simple answer to a simple question. Furthermore, it does not seem that there is such a thing as a simple answer in epidemiology. Indeed, results depend upon various actors’ behaviours.
First modelling of the epidemic outbreak
Regarding the potential number of cases, Joseph T Wu et al. (Ibid.) published estimates from a first modelling study focusing on China on 31 January 2020. Their results, reproduced below, are expressed for major cities in China in daily incidence rates, i.e. the probability of occurrence of seeing a confirmed case of 2019-nCoV in a population – here per 1000 people – in one day. Various hypotheses are made to consider diverse measures of control.
To conclude, we shall quote Wu et al final assessment at length. It reads:
“Vaccine platforms should be accelerated for real-time deployment in the event of a second wave of infections. Above all, for health protection within China and internationally, especially those locations with the closest travel links with major Chinese ports, preparedness plans should be readied for deployment at short notice, including securing supply chains of pharmaceuticals, personal protective equipment, hospital supplies, and the necessary human resources to deal with the consequences of a global outbreak of this magnitude.”
We thus now have a better and more honest answer to our fundamental survival questions. Yes, the new Coronavirus outbreak is serious and should not be underestimated. All actors, including individuals should behave accordingly.
This explains, for example, the European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control 31 January threat assessment cautiousness and conditional evaluation. The ECDC highlights low risks for the EU if detection and “appropriate infection prevention and control (IPC) practices” are implemented. Meanwhile, it warns that should the EU/EEA fail in its detection and IPC practices, then the risk of secondary transmission is high.
Thus, one possible factor creating the mystery of the contradictory signals is uncertainty. This uncertainty is in-built into the emergence of a new virus. However, it is also, most probably, the inability of our societies to handle peacefully this very uncertainty that favours these contradictory messages.
Another major factor triggering those confusing signals, as we started outlining, is that individual and collective survival are not exactly similar. This is what we shall see next.
References and bibliography
Abbott S, Hellewell J, Munday J, Funk S, Funk S. The transmissibility of novel Coronavirus in the early stages of the 2019-20 outbreak in Wuhan: Exploring initial point source exposure sizes and durations using scenario analysis. Wellcome Open Res, 2020 Feb 3.
Dean, Katharine R., Fabienne Krauer, Lars Walløe, Ole Christian Lingjærde, Barbara Bramanti, Nils Chr. Stenseth, Boris V. Schmid, “Human ectoparasites and spread of plague in Europe” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, Feb 2018, 115 (6) 1304-1309; DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1715640115.
Liu T, Hu J, Kang M, Lin L, Zhong H, Xiao J, et al. Transmission dynamics of 2019 novel coronavirus (2019-nCoV). bioRxiv. 2020 Jan 26;2020.01.25.919787.
Lofgren, E.T. and N.H. Fefferman. 2007. “The Untapped Potential of Virtual Game Worlds to Shed Light on Real World Epidemics”. The Lancet Infectious Diseases. 7:625-629.
Read JM, Bridgen JR, Cummings DA, Ho A, Jewell CP. Novel coronavirus 2019-nCoV: early estimation of epidemiological parameters and epidemic predictions. medRxiv, 2020; 2020.01.23.20018549.
The “new Coronavirus COVID-19 epidemic outbreak” became the COVID-19 pandemic. With time we learn more about the SARS-CoV-2 (the virus), the COVID-19 (the disease) and its multiple components and impacts. As a result, we must continue to closely monitor it, using the best possible ressources available.
All actors should also develop scenarios to make sure they are ready across all possible futures.
Here, you will find a list of reliable sources to monitor the COVID-19 epidemic outbreak and its virus, the SARS-CoV-2.
Considering the danger of the spread of fake news enhanced and fed by the fear related to an epidemic, this is a contribution to struggling against dangerous perceptions and rumours.
Official and Scientific – To follow the evolution of the outbreak in near real-time and statistics’ estimates for the future
1Point3Acres – COVID-19 in US and Canada and for the world: real time updates – Detailed updates per state for the U.S.
Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation (IHME): COVID-19 Projections grounded in real official data, with peak estimates, total fatalities estimate, and impact on hospital system – data and projections for U.S. per states, for the EEA, and for some states/regions of some EU states (Germany, Italy, Spain) – Beware, the projections have been criticised by epidemiologists for being unreliable.
DXY (DXY.cn), the world’s largest online professional community of physicians, medical institutions, healthcare providers, and life science researchers. Established in 2000, over 4 million registered members in China and other countries in 2020: Coronavirus dedicated website updated stats, news and maps.
European Union
European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control: COVID-19 Pandemic
It is difficult to find sources of information on a par with Asia. The number of confirmed cases compared with the number of death considering the still very approximative case-fatality rate let us assume that Iran has not yet set up the capability to follow in detail the outbreak.
The global wildfire is engulfing the world. Throughout 2019, immense swaths of Australia, California, Alaska, Russia, central Africa, and the Amazon basin, were part of this immense bonfire. This conflagration took place after the historic fire seasons of 2018, 2017, 2016… (David Wallace Wells, The Uninhabitable Earth, Life after Warming, 2019).
Those new giant wildfires signal a historic inversion: humans do no longer master fire. In fact, the current condition is nothing but a “rewildering” of fire, at a planetary scale. At such scale, rhythm and intensity, this global wildfire is becoming a new dimension of the current climate hyper siege. Thus, it must be understood in strategic terms.
Since
the proto-historic period, fire is central to the development of human
societies. It is a tool for eating, hunting, growing agrarian space, and
resisting to cold. It is also instrumental in the development of minerals and
metals. The flow of human history is also the history of the domestication of
fire (Jared Diamond, Guns, Germs and Steel, The Fates of Human Societies, 1999).
In
its “wildfire” dimension, it has been reduced and mitigated as a risk. Hence,
large apparatus of technical and administrative management, mitigation and
security exist in order to contain this risk. Fire is also a tool of war. It
can be used on purpose to destroy cities and forests for strategic and
operational purpose (John Keegan A
History of Warfare, 1993, Mike
Davis,Dead
Cities: A Natural History, 2002).
… To the loss of fire
However, things are changing at a dramatic pace. As Hélène Lavoix puts it with vivid precision, we are now living in a “Burning World”. Thus, in this two parts article, we shall look at this new condition. In this first part, we shall see that the new “wildfire power” is overpowering the capabilities of modern societies to master it.
In other words, the rapid spread of mega-fires is becoming a wild – as in “undomesticated” – form of strategic attack against the modern urban conditions of living.
Notably, those depend upon the continuity of the global supply chains as well as on the productivity of the agro-industrial sector (Carolyn Steel, Hungry City: how food shapes our lives, 2013). Yet, wildfires and mega-fires can affect and even interrupt them. The strategic dimension of mega-fires is also both a product and a driver of the great acceleration of the modern urban and industrial development as well as of climate change.
Wild Fire power
Fire for war
During the Second World War, the invention of strategic bombing did put on fire hundreds of cities in Continental Europe, in Great Britain and in Japan. Thanks to the huge amount of experience thus accumulated, the British Royal Air Force and the U.S. air army (that became the U.S. Air Force in 1946), became great experts at the artificial use and development of urban fire through air bombing (Richard Overy, The Bombing War: Europe 1939-1945 and John Dower, Cultures of war, Pearl Harbor/Hiroshima, 9/11/ Iraq, 2010).
Then,
during the Vietnam War, the U.S. military made an extended use of napalm to put
on fire entire swaths of the Vietnam jungle in order to destroy the vegetal
cover that the North Vietnam army was using as a giant trap against the U.S.
Army and marines.
These examples help us understand how “fire power” is also a way to use fire to exert a highly destructive form of power. Fire is a very efficient driver of mass destruction in urban and rural environments.
However, our rapidly warming planet is overthrowing the status of fire. Our planet thus becomes an unintended strategic actor.
Fire is coming
Thus, fire-power is not only a tool of the military arsenal anymore, but it is becoming a wild power in itself. Nowadays, wildfire is endangering the modern world, through its hybridation with the vulnerabilities of modern societies.
For example, on 5 August 2010, the Russian authorities declared the state of emergency for the territory of the Ozersk (“Russia declares state of emergency in nuclear town as wildfire blazes”, The Telegraph, 10 August 2010). They were reacting very strongly to the raging giant wildfires that were devastating the country since July. The wildfires were now threatening the city and its strategic nuclear waste reprocessing plant.
Thus, it was of strategic importance to isolate it from the fire, in order to prevent a possible nuclear disaster (Ibid.). This took place during the historical heat wave that struck Russia and Ukraine from late July to the end of the second week of August 2010.
If
a direct link has not been established so far, climate scientists warn
nonetheless that this kind of event is certainly going to be the new normal
during the twenty-first century as climate changes (Alyson Kenward, “2010
Russian heatwave more extreme than previously thought”, Climate
Central, March 17, 2011).
The
2010 heatwave triggered and fuelled immense wildfires that ravaged the Russian
forests and lands. It also reduced by more than 10% the Russian and Ukrainian
production of cereals. As a result, the world cereal price increased. In turn,
the price of bread in the Arab world went up during the fall and winter 2010,
as well as throughout 2011 (Michael Klare, “The
Coming global explosion”, TomDispatch, April 21, 2013), which
fuelled the Arab Spring.
Global Wildfire
In May 2016, from North America to Russia, places especially vulnerable to climate change were shaken by immense wildfires. The mega wildfire that devastated the region of Fort Mc Murray, in the Alberta State of Canada was prominent among these extreme events (Bryan Alary, “Fort Mc Murray blaze among “most extreme” of wild fires says researcher”, Phys.org, May 9, 2016).
This humongous fire took place directly in the heartland of the world-famous tar sands exploitations. Those turned Canada into an oil product exporter (Andrew Nikiforuk, Tar sands: dirty oil and the future of a continent, 2010).
Mega fire, mega danger
The Alberta wildfire triggered the emergency evacuation of Fort Mc Murray. It triggered a de facto weakening of the tar sands’ production. The fire had endangered the people, as well as the industrial installations and the numerous related investments.
Meanwhile, future
insurance costs sharply increased. (Maria Galucci, “Fort
Mc Murray wildfires: Canada’s oil sands producers cut output as Alberta fires
rage”, International Business Time, O5/04/16). In other words,
these extreme weather events demonstrate how much environmental global change
puts modern societies, economies and business models at risk.
Nowhere to Run, Nowhere to hide
Then, in 2018, wildfires ravaged Europe, from Greece to Scandinavia, while the Midwest and California fought off two mega-fires. In 2019, a global storm of fire swept the world and ravaged the Amazon basin, central Africa, Europe, Siberia, Alaska and, finally Australia (Fires, NASA Earth Observatory).
In
this country-continent, giant mega-fires are coalescing. This process is turning
the west and south western part into a giant fire trap. So far, it has killed
more than a billion animals. It also ravaged rural areas and altered the
superficial part of the soil.
In
other words, modern societies do not control the fire anymore. Thus climate
change also means that, as written by Hélène Lavoix (“When
Denial and Passivity Verge on Stupidity” – The Red (Team) Analysis
Weekly – 9 January 2020), from now on, we live in a burning world.
In
other terms, the exceptional burning condition known by European cities and the
South Asian jungles during the Vietnam/ Cambodia/Laos war, is now imposed upon
modern cities all around world. It is becoming the equivalent of a World War 3
being waged by a global “adversary” against each and every nation on Earth.
It also means that climate change turbo-charges wildfires and mega-fires. Those are thus becoming a political, security and social condition.
We shall study the political and geopolitical consequences of the installation of our modern societies on this new planet that is the Burning World in the second part of this article.
Credit featured image: Wildfire near Lake Echo, Tasmania, Australia, 25 January 2019 – Contains modified Copernicus Sentinel data [2019], processed by Pierre Markuse – CC BY 2.0.
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