Trump Geopolitics  – 1: Trump as the AI Power President

(Donald Trump with Elon Musk, Tulsi
Gabbard, RFK Jr, and Mike Johnson
Credit photo: from Office of Speaker
Mike Johnson – Public Domain )

President-elect Donald Trump declared that Canada should become the “51st state” of the United States of America. He also repeats quite often that the U.S. should “buy Greenland” (Alexandra Sharp, “The 51st Star on the U.S. flag?”, Foreign Policy, December 19, 2024 and Anthony Slodkowski and James Pomfret, “Trump Greenland bid stirs debate in China about what to do with Taiwan”, Reuters, 15 January, 2025).

Meanwhile, Elon Musk, the multibillionaire techno-industrialist and adviser of Donald Trump, had a rough polemic with Justin Trudeau, the resigning Prime minister of Canada, via Twitter/X. (Anushree Jonko, “Musk mocks Justin Trudeau over Canada-US merger idea, says, “Girl…””, NDTV, 8 January 2025.

Those statements took place during the presidential transition. The transition team is dominated by a network of high level personalities of the tech and AI sector. It is the case, for example, of David Sacks, massive investor in tech who is the “Crypto and AI Czar” of the transition team (“Who’s Who in Trump’s new Silicon Valley entourage ?“, BestofAI, via Financialpost.com, 19 December 2024).

One must also note that vice-president J. D. Vance has a history as a venture capitalist in the tech business world. Among others, he is close to Peter Thiel, one of the most powerful tech billionaires, founder of Palantir (Erin Mansfield, “Peter Thiel and JD Vance: How Paypal founder boosted VP’s candidate political career”, USA Today, 17 July 2024).

This network, which represents massive tech as well as AI interests, seems to be very active in the first circle of the president-elect. They all advocate for a sharp decrease in regulations for matters related to technology, which should concern also AI and cryptocurrencies (Carl Zakrzemwski and Jacqueline Alemani, “Musk isn’t the only tech leader helping shape the Trump administration“, The Washington Post, January 13, 2025 and Theo Burman, “Donald Trump’s tech bro orbit – How Silicon Valley Merged with MAGA”, Newsweek, 13 January, 2025).

As we shall see, confronting these declarations and the interests of the AI community reveals some of the main drivers of the Trump presidency political guidelines.

Greenland and Canada are of crucial importance for the development of the national AI industry. Indeed, the extremely rapid development of this sector consumes growing energy and mineral resources.

So, identifying Canada as a strategic target of its foreign policy makes perfect sense from a strategic point of view (REE Mineralisation in Greenland, Eurare).

The same can be said of Greenland, in order to acquire the rare earth elements necessary to build AI computers (see also Lavoix, “Uranium for the U.S. Nuclear Renaissance (2): Towards a global geopolitical race”). It may also lessen the U.S. dependency on Chinese rare earth imports (Nigel Inkster, The Great decoupling: China, America and the struggle for technological supremacy, Hurst, 2021).

So, we hypothesize here that President Trump guidelines about Canada and Greenland are also those of the AI/ strategic resources definition of the U.S. national interest at the start of his presidency.

In this article, we shall look at the way the “Trump II” presidency’s interest for AI development roots itself in the power networks of the Silicon Valley as well as in the development dynamics of the AI sector. Then, we highlight that the declarations about Canada and Greenland reveal the rising interest of the AI sector for energy and mineral resources. Finally, we investigate what those evolutions mean in geopolitical and strategic terms for the American “AI power”.

Donald Trump II and AI

We are f.AI.mily

The second Donald’s Trump presidential campaign appears as having been strongly supported by part of the tech industry, including AI, and some of their main figures. Among them, Peter Thiel’s network seems to be quite prominent.

Peter Thiel is the co-founder of PayPal with Elon Musk. He also founded Palantir with Alex Karp, while benefiting from the support of In-Q-Tel, the CIA founded venture (“CIA-backed Palantir technologies raises $107.8 millions”, Reuters, December 11, 2013, Sharon Weinberger, “Palantir, Big Data’s scariest, most secretive unicorn, is going public. But is its crystal ball just smoke and mirrors?”, New York Magazine, Sept. 28, 2020, Shoshana Zuboff, The Age of Surveillance Capitalism, The fight for a human future at the new frontier of power, London, Profile Books, 2019 and Kenneth Payne, I, Warbot, the dawn of artificially intelligent conflict, London, Hurst, 2021.)

Marc Andreesssen is another major figure in the network. He is a major investor in tech and AI companies, for example AirBnB, FaceBook or Coinbase among others. Marc Andreessen seems to be an active recruiter for the Trump administration (Sarah Mac Bride, “Here is a list of tech leaders joining Trump’s new Silicon Valley entourage”, from Bloomberg, Business Standard, 20 December, 2024).

If Microsoft, Facebook and Amazon have not been vocal about Donald Trump during the major part of the presidential campaign, some movements seem important to note.

For example, Jeff Bezos, multi-billionaire, Amazon founder and owner of the historically Democrat leaning Washington Post, ordered to the redaction not to endorse any candidate (Adas Gold and Brian Stelter, “Washington Post won’t endorse presidential candidate in 2024 presidential election after Bezos decision“, CNN, 25 October 2024). That move was a historic bifurcation for this major outlet.

After the election, on 13 December, Sam Altman, CEO of OpenAI, that produces Chat GPT, declared that “President Trump will lead our country into the age of AI, and I am eager to support his efforts to ensure America stays ahead” ( “Sam Altman says Trump “will lead our country into the age of AI” and gives $1 million to Inauguration fund”, Fortune, via The Associated Press, December 13, 2024). Then alongside Mark Zuckerberg and Jeff Bezos, he also gave one million dollars to the Donald Trump Inauguration day fund. (Julianna Kim, Bobby Allin “Tech Moguls Altman, Zuckerberg and Bezos donate to Trump’s Inauguration Day fund”, NPR, 13 December 2024). Among tech / AI companies, it is also the case of Adobe, Alphabet Google, Robinhood and Uber (“Corporate America pledges donations for Trump inauguration”, Reuters, January 2025).

Now, some of the members of this tech network will be part of Trump’s government. For example, David Sacks, an ex-employee of Peter Thiel and Elon Musk at Paypal, is going to be the White House “AI and crypto Czar”. Trae Stephens, ex-general partner at “Founder’s fund”, an investment fund in technology, including AI, created par Peter Thiel, may become deputy secretary of Defense.

Michael Kratsios, former Peter Thiel’s chief of staff at the “Founders Fund” leads the tech commission during the presidential transition (Stavroulan Pabst, “Thiel pal and venture capitalist eyed for 2nd post at the Pentagon”, Responsible Statecraft, November 27, 2024 ; Adam Hayes, “How the PayPal Mafia looks set to dominate the new administration”, Investopedia, 23 December 2024.

Then, there is the dense network of relationships between Peter Thiel venture fund, that, among other things, invest in Elon Musk societies, as the “new space” company Space X as well as the Starlink satellite constellations. The Founder’s Fund is also investing in Palantir and in Anduril, a society specializing in combat drones (Dom Lim, “The Silicon Valley Sci Fi Complex: How Tolkien, Iron Man and PayPal Founders are shaping the future of defense AI“, Medium, November 10, 2024).

Factually, these people and the personal, corporate, institutional, political and financial networks that link them are literally representing vast tracts of the U.S. tech as well as AI industry sector. It is also interesting to note that major companies as, among others, Palantir, Anduril, Starlink are drivers of the AI militarization (Roberto J. Gonzalez, War Virtually, the Quest to Automate Conflict, Militarize Data, and Predict the Future, Oakland, University of California Press, 2022).

One could say that the omnipresence of Elon Musk around Donald Trump personifies the interdependencies between the rising interests of AI industries and of the U.S. national interest. Indeed, Elon Musk is part of the multiple networks that link Silicon Valley tech billionaires, as well as their industries.

Those networks also link those very people and industries to the U.S. national security and defense community ( Jean-Michel Valantin, “AI at War (1) – Ukraine”, The Red Team Analysis Society, April 3, 2024). Knowing that the military branch is a core part of the state, the militarization of AI also appears as a major dynamic of its institutional integration (Ian Morris, War, what is it good for ? : Conflict and progress of civilization from primates to robots, Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 2014).

So, from a network analysis perspective, those companies are literally nodes that connect the AI industry to the military sector. They are drivers of the industrial, strategic, and operational implementation of the US national interest.

National A.Interest

As explained by Helene Lavoix,“The American national interest” is simple. Basically, it is about protecting the security of the American people (ISSG). It is further broken down, as explained in the NDS 22 factsheet, into three vital U.S. national interests:

“The protection of the American people,
The expansion of America’s prosperity,
The realisation and defence of our democratic values.”

NDS 22 Factsheet » (Hélène Lavoix, “The American National Interest”, The Red Team Analysis Society, June 22, 2022).

Nowadays, the first and second item of this list appear as closely linked to the development of the AI sector.

Growth

Indeed, according to Statista Market Forecast, the U.S. AI sector knows an explosive growth. Its total size was 25.65 billion USD in 2020. Then, it was 54.87 billion USD in 2021 and 34.67 bn USD in 2022, which was a year of adjustment. Then it reached 37.23 bn USD in 2023 and 50.17 in 2024. The growth of the U.S. AI sector could reach 66.21 bn USD in 2025. If the sector keeps growing at this rate, it could reach 223.61 bn USD in 2030 (“Artificial intelligence – United States”, Statista).

So, still according to Statista, this rate of growth corresponds to 1.22% of the U.S. GDP in 2022 to 1.51% in 2023 and 3.23% in 2024. It could reach 5.13% in 2025. At this rate, everything being equal, the U.S. AI sector could be the equivalent of 14.19% of the U.S. GDP in 2030.

This growth goes hand in hand with the rising number of U.S. users. They were 48.13 million in 2020, 59.72 in 2021, 75.07 in 2022, 92.78 in 2023, 112.60 in 2024. Hypothetically, the number of U.S. users of AI may reach 138 million in 2025. In 2030, it could be 241.50 million people, on a total population of 350 million people (Statista, ibid).

The mammoth of semiconductors

This explosive rate of growth fuels an intense demand for semiconductors. This demand drives the transformation of Nvidia. This company is the main U.S. producer of semiconductors and, in 2024 it became one of the two most valuable U.S. firms.

Its market value attained 3.2 trillion USD at the end of 2024, while Apple attains 3.7 trillion USD, and Microsoft 3.1 trillion USD The demand for GPU chips is so powerful that Nvidia’s growth was of 2 trillion year on year. (“Nvidia’s market value gets two trillion boost in 2024 on AI rally”, Reuters, January 2, 2025 ; Britney Nguyen, “Nvidia gets almost half its revenues from 4 customers. Here who they might be”, Quartz, 23 September 2024.

In other terms, the U.S. AI sector is becoming a powerful economic engine. Its rhythm of growth is driven by the very particularity of AI technologies. Indeed, those technologies integrate each and every sector, from agriculture and transport to robotics, management, security, international influence and war (Hélène Lavoix, “ Smart agriculture, International power and national interest”, The Red Team Analysis Society, April 11, 2019 and Hélène Lavoix, “Exploring cascading impacts with AI”, The Red Team Analysis Society, May 17, 2023 and “Portal to AI-Understanding AI and Foreseeing the AI powered world”, The Red Team Analysis Society) .

Thus, it appears that the involvement of the AI sector in favour of Donald Trump also represents its involvement in favour of the policy guidelines of his administration.

From Greenland and Canada to U.S. AI

In this context, the interest of President Trump in Canada and Greenland appears as closely linked to the needs of the U.S. AI industry in electricity generation and mineral resources.

Indeed, the rapid growth of AI uses and its scale induces a formidable pressure on the U.S. electricity generation capabilities.

The energy gap

According to Goldman Sachs, the data centres demand for power was stable. Worldwide, -those infrastructures were consuming between 1% and 2% of the overall power. However, this demand could grow 160% by 2030. This spike is intrinsically linked to AI development. Indeed, if a Google Search consumes O.3 watt per hour, a single Chat GPT request consumes 2.9 watt-hour of electricity (“GS Sustain: Generational Growth: AI, Data Centres and the Coming US Power Surge”, Goldman Sachs, April 29, 2024).

Still according to Goldman Sachs, data centres already consume 3% of the U.S. power production. However, this demand may grow to 8% by 2030. In order to answer this demand, the U.S. will have to produce 47 gigawatt of incremental power capacity. Hence, as Hélène Lavoix establishes, the project of a “US nuclear renaissance” (Hélène Lavoix, “Towards a U.S. Nuclear Renaissance?” The Red Team Analysis Society, 15 October 2024).

This rate of growth is such that AI industries, among them Amazon, OpenAI-Microsoft, Google, express their will to acquire their very own nuclear reactors (Darrell Proctor, “Microsoft Would Restart Three Mile Island Nuclear Plant to Power AI“, Power, 20 September 2024, Brian Martucci, “Constellation plans 2028 restart of Three Mile Island unit 1, spurred by Microsoft PPA“, Utility Dive, 20 September 2024, Darrell Proctor, “AWS Acquiring Data Center Campus Powered by Nuclear Energy“, Power, 4 March 2024; Helene Lavoix, “Towards a U.S. Nuclear Renaissance?“, The Red Team Analysis Society).

Those energy needs are compounded with those of the uses of AI. Their growth is destabilizing the U.S. electricity market, which contributes to the need for a “nuclear renaissance” (Lavoix, Ibid.). Thus, the theoretical interest for the U.S. to have a better access to Canadian uranium, oil, gas and hydroelectricity (Helene Lavoix, “Uranium for the U.S. Nuclear Renaissance (2): Towards a global geopolitical race”, The Red Team Analysis Society 18 January 2025).

In this context, the interest of President Trump for Canada appears rooted in the U.S. equation of AI growth/ power demand / power generation. Indeed, Canada is a major producer of energy, through hydroelectricity, the shale oil and gas production of Alberta, renewanle energies, and its uranium mines (Hélène Lavoix, “Uranium for US Nuclear Renaissance- 1 : Meeting Unprecedented Requirements”, The Red Team Analysis Society, 27 November, 2024, and Ian Riach, “AI data centres are hungry for power and Canada is answering the call”, Fiduciary Trust Canada, 18 November, 2024).

The Eric Schmidt case


The translation of the emerging energy needs of the AI industry into political discourse takes many forms. For example, it is worth quoting Eric Schmidt, co-founder of Google. During a conference at Stanford university, he declared that:

“ I went to the White House, and told them that we had to become Canada’s best friends,…. Because they have… LOTS of hydropower and we (the US) do not have enough power… So, the alternative is the Arabs… but they’re not going to adhere to our national security rules… whereas US and Canada are part of a giant continent…”.

Eric Schmidt, “Not deleted one second – Ex Google CEO Schmidt was invited to give a speech (confidential meeting).

As it happens, accessing the White House is possible for Eric Schmidt because from 2018, (during the first Trump presidency), to 2021, (during the Joe Biden Presidency), he was chair of the National Security Commission on AI. In this capacity, he is a prominent voice in the field of co-integration of the AI sector and of the Federal State, the national security community and of the American civil society. One must note that one of the main recommendations of the commission is that the “US Government must embrace the AI competition and organize to win it”.

So, it appears possible to interpret the declarations of President Trump about Canada becoming the “51st state” of the U.S. federation as an “official translation” of the strategic importance of Canada for the development of the U.S. AI industry and power. It also translates the growing concern of the AI sector about accessing enough energy to support its growth.

A (very) material AI world

The material needs of the U.S. AI sector do not stop at energy. This industrial sector needs massive amounts of rare earths minerals. Those elements are essential in order to produce the very semiconductors needed for AI computers. However, the main mines and refining capabilities of these minerals have been developed in China. This situation has created a de facto dependency between countries and companies needing rare earth elements and their refining and China (Inkster, ibid).

Those minerals are a basic need for semiconductors production. Thus, for example, they are of vital importance for Nvidia. As it happens, Beijing is now imposing a ban on rare earth elements exports as well as on rare earth processing technologies to the US.

This move comes in retaliation to the U.S. trade war and technology ban on China that escalated since its start by President Trump in 2018 (Gracelin Baskaran, “What China’s ban on rare earth processing technology means”, CSIS, January 8, 2024, and Eduardo Baptista, “After China’s ban on mineral exports, how else could it respond to U.S chips curb?”, Reuters, December 3, 2024). Thus, this ban endangers the U.S. AI development, as well as the U.S. national interest and security.

In this context, when president-elect Trump expresses an interest in “buying Greenland”, it is worth noting that there are important deposits of different rare earth elements in Greenland “Why the world is turning to Greenland rare earth metals?”, Innovation News Network, Innovation News Network, 03 August, 2023).

As it happens, Greenland is in the European-Danish legal sphere. However, the country is part of the U.S. defense sphere since 1941. Indeed, Greenland hosts the Air Force / Space force Pittuflik base, also known as the “Thule base”.

So, in the AI age, the rare earth elements deposits are strongly increasing the strategic value of Greenland for the US. His declarations are the way President Trump translates this dynamic into a political guideline.

The President of U.S. AI power

In other terms, there is a very strong possibility that the second mandate of President Donald Trump will see the strategic integration of the AI sector to the status of the U.S. as a 21 century Great power.

Towards the AI State

This dynamic is already expressing itself in an institutional way, with the creation of the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE). With Elon Musk as chair and Vivek Ramaswamy as co-chair, this presidential advisory commission will promote technology as a way to reduce the number of federal agencies as well as of employees.

The main mission of the commission is to lead “three major kinds of reforms: regulatory rescissions, administrative reductions and cost savings”. Some of the goal of the commission are to redefine government efficiency in a rapidly changing digital and technological context (Ross Gianfortune, “Proposed DOGE reforms target technology, efficiency”, GOVCIO Media Research, 01/06/2025).

In other terms, the DOGE will (try to) lead both the integration of current tech, i.e artificial intelligence, to the Federal State, while reducing regulation in the technological sector (Ross Gianfortune, ibid) . As it happens, these goals appear quite clearly aligned on the recommendations developed by the National Security Commission on AI, chaired by Eric Schmidt (Schmidt, ibid, see above).

This strongly suggests that there are continuities between the works of the commission that published its results in 2021 and the program of the DOGE in 2024-2025. This continuity appears especially In the sharing of the 2021 goals of the Commission that state the needs of the projection of the AI sector in the governmental institutions as well as in the fabric of the US society and the announced mission of the DOGE, that appear as an operational translation of these goals.

Towards AI geopolitical escalation ?

One must remember that these goals take place in the context of the rapid militarization and weaponization of AI. One driver of this dynamic is the US military demand for technology. Another is the competition with China, the other Great power. And China is also leading a rapid “intelligentization” of its military forces (Jean-Michel Valantin, “AI at War (2) – Preparing for the U.S China War ?”, The Red Team Analysis Society, September 17, 2024).

So, the second Trump presidency might very well be seen as the political structure that is going to produce the U.S. form of AI political power and governance. This may happen by channelling the AI revolution into the very workings of the Federal government

This AI channelling is already imprinting the process of definition of the US as a Great power geopolitical guidelines. Thus, this dynamic could become the U.S. political version of what Helene Lavoix defines as AI Power in an AI World ((“When Artificial Intelligence will Power Geopolitics – Presenting AI”, The Red Team Analysis Society, November 27, 2017).

Now, it must be seen how the U.S. AI power is going to interact with its allies as well as its enemies.

Uranium for the U.S. Nuclear Renaissance – 2: Towards a global geopolitical race

(Art direction and design: Jean-Dominique Lavoix-Carli
Photos credits : Didier Descouens & Egor Kamelev)

The uranium requirements created by the planned American nuclear renaissance are immense and unprecedented (see Helene Lavoix, “Uranium for the U.S. Nuclear Renaissance: Meeting Unprecedented Requirements (1)“, The Red Team Analysis Society, 27 November 2024). Yet, the production of uranium in the U.S., the American reserves and resources of uranium, as well as the involvement of American companies in uranium mining are all insufficient to allow the U.S. to meet its future needs in uranium (Ibid.).

The U.S. will thus need to increase its uranium supply overseas, probably through foreign companies. Hence, we need to look at the global uranium supply and demand situation. We need to do so while also accounting for the impact on global uranium supply of the potential new American uranium requirements.

Thus, first, we focus on the making of a global gap between supply and demand, stemming, notably, not only from U.S. uranium requirements but also from Chinese ones. Then, we highlight the major consequences of the global uranium supply demand gap, namely rising uranium prices, the necessity to bring about new mines and mills and a tough geopolitical competition for uranium. From there, finally, we identify future possible ways for the U.S. to meet its uranium requirements. We notably envision some changes of the norms of the international order, as already stressed by U.S. President Trump.

Nota: In this article, by resources [in uranium] we mean measured and indicated resources, i.e. those best assessed with the highest degree of “geological confidence” (see glossary).

The U.S. and China: The making of a global gap between supply and demand

The U.S. is not alone in its need for uranium. We must notably see the American requirements in the light of the Chinese nuclear surge (see, “The Future of Uranium Demand – China’s Surge“). This is all the more important that the Chinese nuclear rise has started, whilst the American Renaissance remains an objective. In other words, China is already constructing new nuclear reactors and has already existing concrete plans for more nuclear plants. Hence its uranium requirements are firmer than those of the U.S.. Furthermore, China’s actions to supply its future uranium requirements have also already started. As a result, the options available to the U.S., and to other actors in terms of uranium supply, narrow down.

The American and Chinese requirements could look as shown on the two charts below.

If the U.S. uranium requirements alone appeared as immense, the Chinese ones are no less so (“Uranium for the U.S. Nuclear Renaissance: Meeting Unprecedented Requirements (1)“; “The Future of Uranium Demand – China’s Surge“). Indeed they are almost identical. Thus, once we add the U.S. requirements to the Chinese ones, the amount of uranium required is staggering.

By 2044, American and Chinese yearly requirements will represent each approximately 80 % of 2024 global needs. For these two countries only, this amounts to almost 128.000 tU as U3O8, i.e. 1.6 times the 2024 requirements for the whole world.

If we look now at uranium production (and not requirements), the World Nuclear Association estimates it reached 58,201 tU as U3O8 in 2022 (“World Uranium Mining Production“, 16 May 2024).

When we compare the Chinese and American uranium requirements plus the estimated amount required by the rest of the world – assuming for now this latter will not increase – with current production estimates, we obtain the following charts. The first one highlights in stone grey a rising global gap between the supply and demand of uranium, and the second the shares of the U.S. renaissance and of the Chinese surge in this rising gap.

As in reality requirements for other countries will also very likely increase considering the global return of nuclear energy, and the willingness to treble nuclear energy worldwide, the gap between supply and demand is likely to be far worse than what is assessed here (Helene Lavoix, “The Return of Nuclear Energy“, The Red Team Analysis Society, 26 March 2024).

Global consequences of the uranium demand and supply rising gap

This rising global gap between supply and demand of uranium will have global impacts, which will then have consequences on each country according to its situation and actions in terms of nuclear energy and uranium supply. Those impacted will also be the U.S. and China.

The rising uranium global gap has three major consequences.

Rising uranium prices

Uranium prices will further increase, which will make new mines viable economically and allow for new production.

The slight decrease shown at the end of 2024 could result from a host of factors, from a divided EU regarding nuclear energy policy to a generalised temporary lack of awareness of the global supply demand gap, through wait-and-see behaviour considering the January 2025 change of Presidency in the U.S., from Biden to Trump (e.g. Kate Abnett, “New EU renewable energy target faces nuclear roadblock“, Reuters, 16 December 2024).

As shown on the chart above, the NEA/IAEA Uranium 2022: Resources, Production and Demand (aka Red Book) uses various price ranges to evaluate reserves and resources in uranium (OECD Publishing, April 2023). The higher the price, the more reserves and resources of uranium available. We are steadily approaching the latest and highest price for the NEA/IAEA estimates of reserves and resources.

As the gap between supply and demand increases, prices will continue rising.

New mines and mills are imperative

New mines must be put into production and mills constructed, and this on a large scale considering future massive requirements notably from the U.S. and China. The mines with the largest reserves and resources will be sought first.

If mines and mills are not constructed on a large scale, then it is the entire “return of nuclear energy” that is endangered. Indeed, the security of uranium supply would then not be ensured, with consequences in terms of energy supply for countries relying on nuclear energy. As a result, the scenario Net Zero by 2050 for greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions would likely not be achieved, with negative feedback loops taking place (IEA, Net Zero by 2050 – A Roadmap for the Global Energy Sector, May 2021).

Considering the long timeline to bring a mine to production and the needed amount of financing, the uncertainty surrounding the American renaissance is rather bad news (for the uncertainty, see Towards a U.S. Nuclear Renaissance?).

Timeline – Uranium exploration, mining and process and Uranium Reserves

Indeed, if current mines waiting to be financed – and this is even worse for exploration projects – only find backers once those are almost certain of future requirements, i.e. at best, once a reactor has started being constructed and at worst once the timeline to completion of the reactor seems to be close to two years, then mining investment will likely come too late by three years in the worst case. To be too late by three years means that it will be impossible to start operating the new reactors as fuel will not be available. Nuclear plans will be delayed by at least those three years.

Even in the best case, risks remain. Mining investments will be done first by China and those countries that are considering the security of supply first and that benefit from state-led planning. In other words, when American and Western financiers will be ready to invest in mines because the construction of American reactors will have started, then they are likely to find out that the best mines with the largest reserves have already found financing and that their future production is already sold to others. If part of the production is still available for purchase, then, as ownership of the mining company will be in other hands, the security of supply for those future contracts becomes more fragile.

We can reason similarly for purchases of uranium through long-term contracts not involving investments in mining companies.

For example, on 15 October 2024, Kazatomprom (the national company of Kazakhstan, responsible for everything related to the nuclear industry) announced a 15 November extraordinary general assembly to vote on an agreement with CNNC Overseas Limited and China National Uranium Corporation Limited on the sale to the latter “of natural uranium concentrates in the form of U3O8 on market terms”. The assembly voted in favour of the agreement at 88.32% (15 Nov 2024 extraordinary general assembly).

The quantity of uranium for the agreement is not mentioned, but we may roughly estimate the overall Chinese purchases of Kazakh uranium, including this new agreement, to be at least between 11.800 and 14.977 tU as U3O8.(1) As the total Kazakh estimated production for 2024 could reach between 22.500 and 23.500 tU as U3O8, then the share already secured by China represents between 50% and 66.5% of the production in Kazakhstan, the first uranium producer in the world and the third most important country in terms of reserves (Kazatomprom 3Q24 Operations and Trading Update, 1 November 2024; chart “Revisiting Uranium Reserves and Resources : reserves, RAR and M&I resources” in Helene Lavoix, “Revisiting Uranium Supply Security (1)“, The Red team Analysis Society, 21 May 2024). If we look at the Kazakh production belonging to the country, which should reach between 15.500 and 16.500 tU as U3O8, it is between 71.5 % and 96.6% that could be bought by China.

China is thus already purchasing a very large amount of the uranium produced in Kazhakstan and an even larger amount of the Kazakh shares in this uranium. Hence, if future Chinese needs are to be satisfied, then new mines will imperatively have to be put into production. Indeed, Kazakhstan and Kazatomprom have an active policy of exploration and development of new mines (e.g. Kazatomprom News, “Kazatomprom obtains the right for uranium exploration at a new site of the Budenovskoye deposit“, 10 September 2024).

Now, we know that part of the Chinese purchases are spot and part are on the longer term (see fn 1). If the Chinese purchases, notably the long-term contracts, are on the “very” long term, for example ten years, then a probably large share of the 11.800 to 14.977 tU as U3O8 of Kazakh production cannot be anymore purchased by anyone else for those ten years. Thus, with the agreement accepted during the 15 November 2024 extraordinary general assembly, China would have secured enough uranium for approximately 78 GWe per year, whilst other countries, including the U.S., wouldn’t.

As a result, once ready to supply its new reactors, the U.S. will have to find other sources of uranium, assuming they are still available. Furthermore, as prices will go up, then the purchases the U.S. will be able to make will be more onerous.

As the whole world is de facto deprived of the Kazakh production bought by China, then it is not only the U.S. that needs to find other sources of uranium but the rest of the world too.

As long as a gap between supply and demand remains, each purchase of uranium and each investment in a uranium mining company and corresponding long-term supply contract rarefies the quantity of uranium that remains available to others. Hence competition for what is left will intensify.

Tough geopolitical competition for uranium

As a result, geopolitical competition to secure uranium supply will be tough.

Indeed, as stakes are high and as countries cannot afford not to have fuel available for their nuclear reactors, we can expect pitiless behaviour to obtain uranium (for stakes, Helene Lavoix, “Revisiting Uranium Supply Security (1)“, The Red Team Analysis Society, 21 May 2024).

The tension will be reinforced by belated financial decisions, besides an absence of awareness of the issue and a related lack of anticipation (see Uranium and the Renewal of Nuclear Energy).

The excellent relations and strategic partnership existing between Russia and China plays to their advantage.

For example, on 17 December 2024, Kazatomprom announced changes of partnership in some of its joint ventures. Russia sold the whole of its shares (49.979%) in JV Zarechnoye JSC to China and is expected to sell 30% participation interest in the capital of JV Khorasan-U LLP (mining) and 30% participation interest in the capital of Kyzylkum LLP (uranium processing facilities) also to China (Kazatomprom News, “Kazatomprom announces the change of the partners in some JVs“, 17 December 2024).

As a result, the new shares of Kazakh reserves and measured and indicated resources in uranium, as well as the related web of stakes looks as on the graph on the right hand side.

In terms of reserves and resources, Russia thus has ceded to China 1.649 tU as U3O8 for JV Zarechnoye JSC (end of life of mine 2028) and 13.230 tU as U3O8 for JV Khorasan-U LLP (end of life of mine 2038).

Those who will be too late in waking up to the new geopolitical competition for uranium may well start buying candles and think about forced de-growth. Alternatively, wars and special operations aiming at securing uranium may become necessary.

Ways forward for the U.S.

Against this highly volatile and challenging backdrop, what are the options opened to the U.S.? The question is of interest not only to the U.S. but also to all other players in the nuclear energy field, considering the global quality of the sector and the weight of the U.S. requirements, should the country manage to go ahead with its plans for nuclear energy.

Relying solely on the invisible hand of the market?

As seen, in 2023, in the U.S., only 4,65% of the uranium delivered originated from the U.S., i.e. came from American deposits, whilst 95,35% came for foreign countries (see Uranium for the U.S. Nuclear Renaissance…). Only 3.88% of the uranium delivered to the United States was purchased by American suppliers, whilst 96.12% was purchased by foreign suppliers (Ibid.).

For the future, the U.S. could thus hope to rely on a similar system, imagining that, as its uranium requirements increase, the market will “automatically” adjust and supply the quantity of uranium needed.

However, this assumes that the private sector from “allies and partners”, to use the U.S. Department of Energy words, will accept to take the risks linked to the supply of uranium, for example those related to delays in terms of nuclear reactors’ construction and corresponding skyrocketing costs (2024  Pathways to Commercial Liftoff: Advanced Nuclear, p.57; for the risks, see “Towards a U.S. Nuclear Renaissance?“). To offset or to the least mitigate those risks, it is likely that companies will tend to be too late in their mining investments rather than too early.

Furthermore, companies will also have to serve all their clients, not only the U.S.. They may thus very well decide to split supplementary production between clients, leaving the U.S. short on its uranium needs. As those companies are not, for the most part, American companies, the U.S. may have little means to pressure those companies for priority supply, in market conditions.

Finally, some of the companies supplying the U.S. are state companies, such as Orano. What does that imply?

Let us go back to the assumption made in the previous article, according to which the increase in production planned by Cameco and French public company Orano for their plants of Cigar Lake(2) and McArthur River/Key Lake(3) is meant to cover the American uranium requirements consequent to the loss of the Russian and Nigerien uranium supply. Previously we imagined that Cameco and Orano would sold all the supplementary uranium produced to the U.S..

Yet, other hypotheses are possible.

If the EU were following the U.S. and sanctioning Russian uranium, or if ever Russia were to decide to ban uranium exports to Europe, then European states would have to find elsewhere corresponding uranium requirements, as well as new ones (EU Parlement, Parliamentary question – E-001721/2024 and answer; Gabriel Gavin and Victor Jack, “EU eyes new clampdown on Russian nuclear sector“, Politico, 5 November 2024). This would be added to the loss of Niger’s uranium (Niger: a New Severe Threat for the Future of France’s Nuclear Energy?). France notably, with its very high stake in nuclear electricity, would be challenged to find a much needed uranium (Revisiting Uranium Supply Security – 1). True enough, Orano progresses in finding new uranium supply sources, for example in Mongolia (e.g. “Mongolia and Orano sign pact for first ever ‘Mongolia-France’ uranium project, International Mining“, 28 Dec 2024). Yet, for that project, production will start in 2028, and peak in 2044 at 2.600 t, 10% of the production being reserved for Mongolia (Ibid.). Compared with the loss of Niger (i.e. France’s share which amounts to 1.268 tU per year), at peak, Orano will thus see its production increase by 1.072 t. It will nonetheless have to find uranium until 2028 to honour its contracts and for France needs. Assuming French uranium stocks are not used, France could be forced to keep any increase in uranium production for its own needs until the Mongolian production starts (Revisiting Uranium Supply Security – 1).

Furthermore, tension between France and Azerbaijan, a key country of the Trans-Caspian International Transport route also known as the Middle Corridor, could also complicate French uranium supply from Central and Eastern Asia (Dauren Moldakhmetov, “What Does the Future Hold for the Middle Corridor?“, The Times of Central Asia, 31 July 2024; among others, R.D. avec AFP, “Tensions France-Azerbaïdjan : la charge d’Ilham Aliev contre le “régime Macron en Outre-mer“, L’Express, 13 November 2024). Assuming this is possible, considering notably the remaining part of the uranium fuel cycle – conversion and enrichment – we may imagine French Orano could have to route Central and Eastern Asian uranium to its Asian clients, rather than using the very long maritime route through a Chinese port, the strait of Malacca and the cap of Good Hope, if the Houthis continue to endanger the Suez Canal route, to bring Asian uranium to Europe.(4) In that case, it could decide to use Canadian uranium for France’s needs, as well as for its non-Asian and European clients. Swaps and barter between companies can also be imagined.

As a result of these potential challenges, as French Orano holds shares in the two Canadian mills of Cigar Lake and McArthur River/Key Lake, assuming contracts allow it, France could decide to keep its part of the increase, i.e. 740 tU as U3O8. In that case, the U.S. would have to find elsewhere 740 tU as U3O8 on a yearly basis.

What we see here emerging with this example – even if it is hypothetical – is that geopolitical decisions (sanctions) and tensions have impact on uranium supply and that stakes in uranium supply may in turn impact decisions regarding uranium that will in turn have geopolitical consequences.

Furthermore, this example also shows that decisions cannot be taken at a macro level but must consider the situation of each country and of each mine and mill.

If we consider the three points above – the risk of uranium supply born mainly by private companies, the imperative, for overseas private companies, to serve all clients, and the uncertainty stemming from using foreign states companies when those states have stakes in nuclear energy – we find that it may prove insecure for the U.S., and actually for all countries, to rely primarily or solely on companies, and worse still on foreign companies, for their uranium supply.

The U.S. DOE’s idea according to which “Mining/milling of uranium will need to be increased from the US, allies, and partners to ensure a secure supply” may very well become impossible, considering geopolitical tension, the uranium supply -demand gap to which the U.S. largely contributes besides China and the needs of these allies and partners (Ibid. p.57).

Actually, the more the global race for uranium intensifies, the less relying exclusively on the invisible hand of the market will ensure a secure supply.

Emulating China’s three pronged uranium policy

The disinterest in terms of production and purchase of uranium by U.S. companies is not only a disadvantage considering the U.S. nuclear renaissance’s objectives, but also a security liability, considering the various stakes of this renaissance, if remedies are not designed (see Towards a U.S. Nuclear Renaissance?).

The Chinese uranium supply policy to rely for one-third on domestic production, for one-third on overseas production through equity and joint ventures and for one-third on purchases cannot be applied as such and at once to the U.S. considering the size of the American resources and reserves and the disinterest of American companies in overseas uranium mining (for the Chinese policy, WNA, “China’s Nuclear Fuel Cycle“, 25 April 2024). It could however be progressively emulated with as objective for 2050 to increase production domestically as much as possible, and for the remaining part of the requirements to rely on purchases for half of the needs and on overseas production though equity and joint ventures for the other half.

Even though reserves and resources are smaller in the U.S. than in many other countries, they reach nonetheless 147.820 tU as U3O8, when adding all the assessed mines and deposits (see  The World of Uranium – 1: Mines, States and Companies – Database and Interactive Graph; “Uranium for the U.S. Nuclear Renaissance…“). Assuming the mines and deposits are truly economically viable, and can be developed considering environmental constraints and indigenous peoples’ rights, the American mines with the largest reserves and resources could be chosen for priority development and thus financing.

For example, the following deposits could be selected: the Anderson project in Arizona belonging to U.S. Uranium Energy Corp (UEC), Sheep Mountain in Wyoming belonging to U.S. Energy Fuels Inc., the Dewey-Burdock Project & Gas Hills Project of Canadian held enCore Energy US Corp and the Crownpoint and Hosta Butte Project belonging to the same company and to Nufuels Inc. (identified through The World of Uranium – 2)

Then, U.S. mining companies, which are solid enough financially to do so, could attempt to take hold or create joint ventures with current holders of large foreign deposits close by, i.e. in Canadian Saskatchewan. Alternatively, concerned actors such as U.S. specialised funds could finance mines in a way that would include an agreement to preempt production for U.S. purchase.

The Rook 1 Project of NexGen Energy Ltd with its 98.738 tU as U3O8 reserves and resources is an obvious candidate. According to NexGen Energy Ltd plans, the mine would produce approximately 11.232 tU as U3O8 per year (29.2 Mlbs U3O8 per year for the first 5 years, with possible expansion from year 6 to end of mine life (11.7 years) – NexGen Investors presentation December 2024). For 4.5 years, the U.S. would have enough uranium for its supplementary requirements. However, after that time, it would again have to find new mines. It would also have to make sure that production of the Rook 1 project does not decrease after the initial 5 years.

If we consider the option to invest as much as possible in mining companies in Saskatchewan, how much of the uranium of Saskatchewan could be needed for the American nuclear renaissance?

The current estimates for the main reserves and resources known for Canadian Saskatchewan (Ca) amount to 555.258 tU as U3O8 (The World Of Uranium-1 and 2). If we remove the two largest mines already exploited, Cigar Lake and McArthur, the remaining amount of reserves and resources amounts to 315.584 tU as U3O8 (The World Of Uranium – 2). We saw the U.S. requirements for scenario 1 of the nuclear renaissance corresponded to an increase of 2.496 tU as U3O8 per year in terms of supply, starting in 2029-2030, to reach from 2045-2046 61.324 tU as U3O8 of yearly requirements. Thus, if we assume that all reserves and resources of Saskatchewan are used exclusively for U.S. requirement needs, then during the year 2045, all the known uranium in the Canadian province will have been used.

This hypothesis is unlikely considering that the main companies operating in Saskatchewan are Cameco, a private global Canadian company with clients worldwide, and French Orano also with clients worldwide and the need to serve in priority France with its high stake in nuclear energy.

Thus U.S. companies will not only have to invest as much possible in Saskatchewan, considering other states’s needs, but also in other Canadian provinces such as the Nunavut and Labrador and fundamentally everywhere in the world where uranium can be mined.

Furthermore, an intense exploration policy for uranium mining will need to be carried out as soon as possible considering high uncertainty and long timeline, as shown by the hypothesis of an exclusive American use of all Saskatchewan reserves and resources. Without exploration, if the U.S. nuclear renaissance takes off, it will be impossible to meet the requirement needs of the U.S. and of other countries by the end of the period.

This could also mean an even more intense geopolitical competition.

Ensuring territories endowed with uranium supply the U.S. first?

Considering the stakes, and faced with the imperative of uranium supply security, in a highly competitive geopolitical environment, the U.S. may choose to annex, one way or another, territories endowed with uranium resources, besides other critical minerals and other strategic assets.

We find here a logic to U.S. president-elect Trump’s declarations regarding his desire to make Canada an American State and to buy Greenland, which uranium potential is “considered [as] relatively high”, according to the 2018 Official Geological Survey Uranium potential in Greenland (e.g. Jessica Murphy, “Trudeau says ‘not a snowball’s chance in hell’ Canada will join US“, BBC, 7 December 2025; Maia Davies, “Greenland ready to work with US on defence, says PM“, BBC, 13 January 2025). The Republicans’ attempt to introduce a bill in the House of Representatives (the “Make Greenland Great Again Act”), which would allow the U.S. to buy Greenland, underlines the reality and seriousness of President Trump’s proposal (Magnus Lund Nielsen, “Make Greenland Great Again Act seeks support in US“, Euractiv, 14 January 2025).

The U.S. would thus start a whole new period for international politics, one where the principles built from the Montevideo Convention on Rights and Duties of States (1933), and then enshrined in the United Nations charter, signed on 26 June 1945, in San Francisco, have become outdated. We would be back to a time where conquest and war become fully part again of international relations.

If ever the U.S. were really annexing Greenland or any other territory, then the security of its uranium supply would be greatly enhanced for the amount of uranium held by the territory annexed. However, here, this uranium would not anymore be available to others. As China will also have secured, in a different way the uranium it needs, the remaining uranium would have shrank drastically. This is not anymore a couple of mines or part of a production that would be removed from the market, but a whole territory endowed with many mines and deposits. According to their stakes in nuclear energy, and to their power, other states would then have to compete for what is left. The likelihood to see force being used is greatly heightened.

Even if war does not ensue from Trump’s declaration and if the “Greenland Act” is not voted, current reactions from Greenland and Denmark to the threats nonetheless seek to appease the U.S. by giving it more than it had before, while also stressing the sovereignty of Greenland (e.g. Davies, “Greenland ready to work with US on defence, says PM“, BBC, 13 January 2025). As a result, by making concessions, Greenland and Denmark tend to condone the change of principles.

Thus, geopolitical race and tensions for uranium supply security could very well be not only an instance of forthcoming wars for resources, but also participate in signalling and spearheading a very change of the international order.

Notes

(1) Estimating roughly the amount in t U as U3O8 of the agreement between Kazatomprom and CNNC Overseas Limited and China National Uranium Corporation: We know that “The transaction value, cumulative with the previously concluded transactions with CNUC [long-term contract] and CNNC Overseas [spot], comprises fifty percent or more of the total book value of the Company’s assets”, hence Kazatomprom extraordinary general assembly. The total asset of Kazatomprom was 3.331.448 million KZT on 30 Sept 2024 (Kazatomprom consolidated statements p.12). Thus, the total amount of sales of uranium concentrate to China, including prior contracts, could be over 1.665.724 million KZT after the EGA on 15 November 2024, i.e. approximately 3.173.32 million USD. We also find sources giving the amount of $2.5 billion USD (e.g. Olga Tonkonog, “Kazakhstan to finalize major uranium deal with China“, Kursiv, 15 October 2024; Vagit Ismailov, “Chinese Companies to Purchase Uranium Concentrates from Kazatomprom for $2.5 Billion“, The Times of Central Asia, 18 Nov 2024).

If we assume an agreement using September 2024’s long term uranium price, i.e. USD 81,50/lbs U3O8 (Cameco), then the minimum quantity purchased as a whole by China to Kazakhstan could be 38,937 Million lbsU3O8, or 14.977 tU as U3O8. The quantity could be larger as previous contracts were certainly contracted at a lower price. If we take the figure of 2.5 billion USD, then the global purchase of uranium concentrate by China could be 11.800 tU as U3O8. These amounts are only very rough estimates, given the number of assumptions made.

The total amount of sales to China was 540.405 million KZT on 30 Sept 2024 (against 342.293 million KZT in Sept 2023 and 522.521 million KZT on 31 Dec 23, Ibid. p.13 and Notes to the Consolidated Financial Statements – 31 December 2023, p. 15). This shows a consequent increase in Chinese purchases has already taken place.

(2) Cigar Lake is owned at 54.547% by Cameco, 40.453% by Orano Canada Inc. (Orano) and 5% by TEPCO Resources Inc.

(3) The Key Lake mill is owned 83.333% by Cameco and 16.667% by Orano.

(4) Estimated transit times

Shipments from major Chinese ports to North America’s West Coast ports15 to 20 days (Artemus)
Shipments from Chinese ports to Europe30 to 35 days (through the Suez Canal) (Maersk)
39 to 44 days (+ up to 9 days through the Cape of Good Hope) (trans.info)
Transit time through the Middle corridor from China to Europe18 to 23 days (with plans for 18 days, then 10 to 15 days) (intellinews)
Shipments from Canada’s Atlantic coast to major European ports 10 to 25 days (OCT)

The New Space Race (1) – The BRICS and Space Mining

Russia, India, Japan, China, the United Arab Emirates, the U.S., the European Space agency, etc. are all sending robots on the Moon or on Mars. On 26 September 2022, the U.S. NASA purposefully projected a spacecraft on asteroid Dimorphos. Such was the precision and the force of the impact that it opened a crater in the middle of the asteroid, while altering its trajectory (Keith Cooper, “NASA’s DART mission hammered asteroid Dimorphos into a new shape. Here is how“, Space.com, March 21, 2024).

Those countries and international organizations are all developing ways and means to materially intervene on space bodies.

Resources, resources

Building upon Helene Lavoix’s seminal article, which identified the issue first, mining rare earths or common minerals is critical to every aspect of contemporary civilization (Hélène Lavoix, “Beyond Fear of near-Earth objects : Mining resources from space ?“, The Red Team Analysis Society, February 18, 2013).

Indeed, those minerals are essential to the material foundation of the current worldwide energy transition including the related nuclear renaissance, to the exponential development of AI and its militarization and of the digital economy, to the development of urban life, and to the rapid development of Asian countries ( “EXECUTIVE SUMMARY – In the transition to clean energy, critical minerals bring new challenges to energy security“, International Energy Agency / IEA, March 2022).

Thus, it is not surprising that mines, ore deposits and geological prospects are, one way or another, increasingly important in current conflicts, wars and geopolitical realignments.

For example, one can note that several african, asian and south-american countries are members of the Chinese Belt&Road, knowing that the purpose of this Chinese grand strategy is to bring resources in China (Jean-Michel Valantin, “China and the New Silk Road: From Oil Wells to the Moon… and Beyond “, The Red Team Analysis, 6 July, 2015).

For instance, Niger adheres to the Chinese Belt & Road initiative and China continues operating the Azelik-Abokurum uranium deposit in the country, while expelling the french military forces are expelled and operations terminated with French nuclear Orano and Canadian GoviEx (see Hélène Lavoix, Niger: a New Severe Threat for the Future of France’s Nuclear Energy?The Red Team Analysis Society, 21 June 24; The World of Uranium 1 and World of Uranium 2; RTI, “Niger embraces Russia for uranium production leaving France out in the cold” 13 November 2024).

Space mining vs “the limits to growth”

However, the relentlessly mounting pressure on geological resources puts the current global development dynamic on a collision course with the geological “limits to growth” (Gaya Herrington, “Update to Limits to Growth, Comparing the World 3 model to empirical data“, KPMG LLP, Stanford University,2020).

In this context of progressively depleting mineral resources, space bodies are more and more attractive, because they are rich with “high concentrations of rare metals—platinum and gold for electronics, nickel and cobalt for catalyst and fuel-cell technology, and, of course, iron” (Bertrand Dano in Robert C. Jones Jr, “The New space race: mining for minerals on asteroids“, News@TheU, Ubniversity of Miami,, 10/09/2024)..

Reaching those deposits, mining them and bringing them back to Earth necessitates to reinforce  robotics, space technology dimensions of artificial intelligence (Jean-Michel Valantin, “Space mining, Artificial intelligence and transition“, The Red Team Analysis Society, March 19, 2018).

Indeed, lunar and asteroid landers and robotic miners will have to be strongly autonomous. Thus, the race to space mining entails immense technological challenges and financial hurdles. And yet, it is taking place.

If we adopt a geopolitical look, it appears that the race for space mining is happening between two large “geopolitical partnerships”, i.e “the West” on the one hand and “the BRICS” on the other.

The original BRICS are the group composed of Brazil, India, Russia, China and South Africa.

In 2023, the group integrated Egypt, Iran, Ethiopia and the United Arab Emirates, while Saudi Arabia is still considering the invitation (Fyodor Lukyanov et al., ” The BRICS Summit 2024: an expanding Alternative“, Council on Foreign Affairs and the Council of councils, 7 Novembre, 2024).  

BRICS members, as well as the U.S. and the European Union, are developing space mining projects and strategies. Thus, this race projects the current strategic competitions between western countries and BRICS countries in outer space. Hence, the race to space mining becomes the “continuation of geopolitics through space means”.

We are going to study which of the BRICS countries join the space mining race. Then we shall see how this race is intricately linked with the development of artificial intelligence. Then, we shall highlight that this race is also a geopolitical one, and as such a potential preparation for (not so) future realignments.

Space Mining BRICS

Take me to the Moon !

In 2023, the Indian lunar lander Chandraayan 3 touched down near the Moon south pole (Geeta Pandey, “Chandrayaan-3: India makes historic landing near Moon’s south pole”, BBC, 23 August, 2023). In 2024, the Chinese Space Agency landed a new lunar rover, also on the Moon south Pole (Ben Turner, “China rover returns historic samples from far side of the Moon- and they may contain secrets from Earth deep past“, Live Science, 25 June, 2024).

In 2023, the Russian mission failed at the last moment. However, Russia will renew its launch in the coming months ( Guy Faulconbridge, “Russia’s first lunar mission in 47 years smashes into the Moon in failure“, Reuters, 21 August, 2023).

The Moon south pole attracts this new wave of robotic exploration because it may contain water in craters. This lunar region is highly exposed to the sun. Thus, lunar robots may use both sun energy and water in order to build permanent bases (Guy Faulconridge, “Explainer: Moon mining – Why major powers are eyeing a lunar gold rush ?”, Reuters, August 11, 2023. Those landers and robots benefit from the exponential progress of AI machine learning (Ayaan Naha, “How rovers use machine learning to navigate Mars and the Moon?“, Medium, October 12, 2023).

To be or not to be on Mars

As it happens, two U.S. rovers and one robot helicopter, a United Arab Emirates rover and a Chinese rover are already exploring the surface of Mars. Russia, India, the European Union and the U.S. are preparing new Mars missions. If the U.S. and the EU have already launched human beings in space and on the Moon, some of the BRICS – Russia, China and the UAE – are also space faring countries.

China as even built its own space station, while it multiplies space partnerships with Russia. and has sent robots on the Moon. Russia is a historic space faring countries and is reviving its Moon landing program (Jean-Michel Valantin, “The Chine-Russian Robot and space cooperationChina (1), Russia (2), The Red Team Analysis Society, January 22, 2018 and “Race for Moon resources has begun, says Russian Space chief after failed lunar mission“, Reuters, August, 2023).

Russia goes to the Moon

Some of the prominent members of the BRICS, such as Russia, are openly expressing their space mining intent and goals. After the August 2023 Moon landing failure of a Russian space craft, Boris Yusimov, Roskosmos chief declared:

« This is not just about the prestige of the country and the achievement of some geopolitical goals. This is about ensuring defensive capabilities and achieving technological sovereignty … Today it is also of a practical value because, of course, the race for the development of the natural resources of the moon has begun. And in the future, the Moon will become a platform for deep space exploration, an ideal platform. » (“Race for Moon resources has begun, says Russian Space chief after failed lunar mission“, Reuters, August, 2023).

China on the Moon

China, the other main driver of the BRICS with Russia, is also laying plans to mine the Moon and asteroids. Indeed, in 2023, the Chinese government submitted a proposal at the UN working group on the Peaceful uses of outer space. The Chinese document aims at establishing the legality of space resources exploitation, respecting the framework of the 1967 Outer Space Treaty. Thus, China proposes to exploit space resources without national annexations of the Moon or other celestial bodies (Andrew Jones, “China outlines position on use of space resources“, Space News, March 6, 2024.

Meanwhile, in May 2024, the Chinese Space Agency launched the Chang’e 6 mission. At this occasion, a lunar rover took samples of the Moon surface. Those were brought back on Earth on 25 June 2024. This mission precedes the Chang’e 7 and 8 missions that should take place respectively in 2026 and 2028. Those missions will explore the availability of Moon resources as well as the Moon South pole (Andrew Jones, “China Chang’e 7 mission to targer Shackleton crater”, Space News, 30 January, 2024).

They will be instrumental for establishing the technological conditions for a permanent Lunar robotic and inhabited base, around 2030, the International Lunar Research Station (ILRS). This project already involves Russia, as well as numerous other countries. Among them are Venezuela, Belarus, Pakistan, Azerbaijan, South Africa, Egypt, Nicaragua, Thailand, Serbia ad Kazakhstan. Turkey is applying. It is interesting to note that all of these countries are part of the Chinese Belt & Road initiative.  As of September 2021, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Germany were also discussing about a possible participation (https://tass.com/science/1343047 and Andrew Jones, “China wants 50 countries involved in its ILRS moon base”, Space News, July 23, 2024, Aedan Yohannan, “China’s space strategy dwarfs U.S ambitions”, The National Interest, March 11, 2024 and Jean-Michel Valantin, “China and the New Silk Road: From Oil Wells to the Moon… and Beyond “, The Red Team Analysis, 6 July, 2015).

The main axis of this cooperation is the construction of the ILSR, officially announced in 2021. Then, in March 2024, the Russian side unveiled the project of building a nuclear power plant, in order to produce enough electricity for the ILSR. This nuclear plant is meant to be built between 2033 and 2035 ( Julianna Suess and Jack Crawford, “Russia and China reaffirm their space partnership”, RUSI, 12 April 2024.

This project is part of the dense space and robotic partnerships that Russia and China are developing. This cooperation deepens since 2017 and the signature of a mammoth deal in space cooperation (Jean-Michel Valantin, “The China-Russian Robot and space cooperation”, ibid ).

In its broad outlines, this deal establishes that China works at modernizing space launchers and spacecraft. Meanwhile, Russia develops robots able to intervene in extreme environments, as outer space. As it happens, for both Russia and China, the development of autonomous robots and probes implies the development of AI. Indeed, this technology is instrumental in the production as well as of the utilization of robots( Valantin, ibid).

The UAE and the asteroids

In the meantime, the United Arab Emirates are preparing the 2028 Emirates Mission to Asteroids. The UAE are a space power (Jean-Michel Valantin, “The UAE Grand strategy for the Future – From Earth to Space”, The Red Team Analysis Society, July 4, 2016). Their robotic probe “Hope” explores Mars since 2021. The goal of this mission is to send a probe that will fly by six asteroids in 2034. Then, it will continue, to orbit around a seventh one. Then, a robot is supposed to land on it (Jeff Foust, “UAE outlines plans for asteroid mission“, Space News, June 3, 2023).

The scientific part of this mission involves a partnership with the Laboratory of Atmospheric and Space Physics of the Boulder University, Colorado (Foust, ibid).As it happens, this partnership may be interpreted as the fact that the UAE need to access to certain levels of technology and scientific capabilities that they cannott yet develop..

What is at stake?

 Hence, it is important to establish the strategic complexity of what is at stake in space mining.

The leading BRICS countries in space mining are the UAE, Russia and China. If India is now a space faring nation, its space mining ambitions are not established to this day.

Space mining and national power in space

The R&D and the projection of space mining capabilities on the Moon as well as on asteroids ard also a way to project national power in the solar system. Thus, deep space becomes both the extension as well as the support of national power. Considering AI and industrialization development on Earth space mining could turn the solar system into an immense resources system.

The extraction of those resources will be possible through huge national investments. In other terms, space mining spacecrafts and robots will literally “nationalize” deep space and convert it into spheres of influence. However, this situation may generate discrepancy between those new space practices and the 1967 UN Outer Space treaty. The principles of the treaty establish, among other provisions, that “the exploration and use of outer space shall be carried out for the benefit and in the interests of all countries and shall be the province of all mankind;

  • outer space shall be free for exploration and use by all States;
  • outer space is not subject to national appropriation by claim of sovereignty, by means of use or occupation, or by any other means;…” (United Nations, Office for Outer Space Affairs)

So, the appropriation of resources scattered throughout the solar system by space public or private companies may very well have legal and political repercussions. As a result, the national interests that drive the race for mining may well generate important tensions with and within the UN system at the time of its “spatialization”.

Hyper dominance ?

Finally, space mining could become an industrial way to practice dominance from a new definition of (very) “high ground”. Indeed, since 1945 and the start of the race for missiles and for space access, the Earth orbit and the Moon have been eyed by space faring countries as the new place for strategic dominance (William Burrows, This New Ocean, 1998). Thus, having flotillas of spacecrafts and robots in space during the next decade could become a new race for both raw elements and  “raw power”.

As was the case, for example, with the interactions between radar, rockets and satellite technologies, that became mutual technological bricks from 1940 to today, space mining is rapidly laying the ground for the new scale of development of space power. This new sequence may very well extend from the Earth towards the asteroid belt ( Neil Sheehan, A Fiery Peace in a Cold War, Bernard Schriever and the ultimate weapon, Random House, 2009).

As it happens, the BRICS momentum to space mining is a race, because it is also a competition with western countries. So, we now need to explore what is geopolitically at stake with space mining in the West.

Uranium for the U.S. Nuclear Renaissance – 1: Meeting Unprecedented Requirements

(Art direction and design: Jean-Dominique Lavoix-Carli)

The U.S. has planned for a Nuclear Renaissance. It aims to reach 300 GWe capacity by 2050 for nuclear energy and envisions two scenarios to reach this goal (U.S. Department of Energy -DOE, Pathways to Commercial Liftoff: Advanced Nuclear, 30 September 2024).

Developing the future American fleet of reactors implies facing formidable challenges and uncertainties (Hélène Lavoix, “Towards a U.S. Nuclear Renaissance?The Red Team Analysis Society, 15 October 2024). Now, the U.S. must also be able to fuel the nuclear renaissance. This means the U.S. will need first to have uranium, which demands mining it, before even thinking about processing it from conversion to fuel fabrication through enrichment.

How do American nuclear objectives translate in terms of uranium requirements? What does that imply?

In this article we focus on the uranium requirements of the U.S. nuclear renaissance and ways to meet them, including in terms of security of supply. Then, with the next article we shall look at the way the American uranium requirements of the nuclear renaissance and the current supply policy of the U.S. may impact the global uranium field, notably in the light of China’s nuclear surge, with feedback on American options to supply its uranium.

For these two articles we use the DOE scenario 1: nuclear units start being constructed in 2025 for deployment in 2030, and + 13 GWe per year are added from 2030 onwards to reach 300 GW of nuclear capacity for 2050 (US DOE, 2024 Pathways, p. 39).

Scrutinising the U.S. Uranium Requirements

According to the DOE, to meet its objectives, the U.S. would need to “access to ~55.000-75.000 MT per year of U3O8 mining/milling capacity to support 300 GW of nuclear capacity” (Ibid. p.57).

American current uranium requirements are 21.388 tU as U3O8 (18.137 tU – WNA, “World Nuclear Power Reactors & Uranium Requirements“, 1 Oct 24).

If we assume that all new reactors constructed are at least Gen III(1) (Generation III), then we can consider that the new uranium requirements correspond to 192 tU as U3O8 per GWe per year at 0.25% tails assay (WNA, “Nuclear Fuel Cycle Overview“, May 24).(2)

Thus, the way to 300 GW nuclear capacity through steps of 13 GW per year starting in 2030, as planned for scenario 1, corresponds to an increase in uranium requirements of 2.496 tU as U3O8 per year, starting in 2029-2030. As a result, from 2045-2046 onwards, the U.S. will need to increase, yearly, its supply of uranium to reach at least 61.324 tU as U3O8 per year.

What does that represent exactly, beyond having to meet approximately a tripling of uranium requirements?

The first supplementary deliveries under the form of fuel (and not U3O8) will need to take place for 2030. This means that for the deployment of a nuclear reactor in 2030, the whole fuel cycle will have had to take place before the reactor is loaded for the first test programme, which lasts a couple of months, before connection to the grid. Thus, in terms of timing, we need to take into account that the uranium mined and transformed into yellowcake must then go through the stages of conversion, then enrichment, then fuel fabrication to be loaded on time in a nuclear reactor. This also means transportation. As a result, the requirements presented in the chart below correspond to what is needed for a specific year, not to the time of purchase, which should occur beforehand to allow for the complete fuel fabrication cycle to take place.

For scenario 1, the profile of American uranium requirements could look as shown on the chart below:

Estimates for U.S. Yearly Uranium Requirements – Scenario 1 of the American Nuclear Renaissance

The quantities of uranium that will need to be provided are enormous. From 2045 onwards, they represent approximately 80% of the uranium requirements of the whole world for 2024.

When we compare American uranium requirements to U.S. uranium production, as illustrated in the chart below, the immense challenge of supplying the American Nuclear Renaissance becomes more evident.

Total production of uranium concentrate (tU as U3O8) in the U.S. 2000 – P2024.

Indeed, at peak in 2014, U.S. uranium production reached 1.881 tU as U3O8 (U.S. Energy Information Administration, Domestic Uranium Production Report, Quarterly 19 Sept 2024, Table 1). Since then it has declined to almost zero with a timid recovery in 2024. Thus, the first supplementary uranium requirement needed for the American nuclear plans already represents 1,33 times the maximum the U.S. has ever been able to produce. Accessorily, the 2014 U.S. peak production is below the 2.000 tU as U3O8 per year of capacity highlighted in the DOE 2024 Pathways (p. 57), to say nothing of the 2019-2024 production.

Currently, without even considering any supplementary nuclear power capacity, the American nuclear requirements represent more than 11 times the U.S. 2014 peak uranium production.

How are the U.S. thus meeting their needs in uranium? Understanding their current uranium supply policy should help us envision how they can meet future needs and the challenges involved.

Purchasing rather than producing uranium

As highlights the DOE, the U.S. “procured ~22.000 MT” (2024 Pathways…, p. 57). This means, obviously, that what the U.S. does not produce domestically is bought elsewhere.

In 2023, the overall amount of uranium delivered to the U.S. was 19.847,8 t U3O8e an increase by 27 % on the 2022 amount. This increase may correspond to the connection to the grid of the Vogtle reactors, or to a lesser use of uranium stored, or both. It represented 93,27% of the U.S. requirements for 2023 (WNA, World Nuclear Power Reactors & Uranium Requirements, Dec 2023).

A reduced American involvement in uranium mining, at home and abroad

The U.S. faces a double challenge, as revealed by the next two charts.

Insufficient uranium deposits on American territory

First, as expected from the uranium production figures, only 4,65% of the uranium delivered originated from the U.S., i.e. came from American deposits, whilst 95,35% came for foreign countries (first chart). The American situation compared with the early 2000s worsened, as uranium production has plummeted since 2016.

Indeed, compared with all other uranium producing countries, the U.S. is far from leading in terms of uranium reserves and resources. If we add the reserves and measured and indicated resources of 126 mines worldwide with known such reserves and resources, then the U.S. ranks 12th for the deposits on its geographical territory (see The World of Uranium – 1: Mines, States and Companies – Database and Interactive Graph).

These deposits, when adding all the assessed mines on American territory, amount nonetheless to 147.820 tU as U3O8 (Ibid.). Yet, this corresponds only to 6,77 years of uranium requirements for 2023, and to 2,41 years of uranium requirements from 2045-2046 onwards.

Overwhelming reliance on foreign suppliers

Secondly, only 3.88% of the uranium delivered to the United States was purchased by American suppliers, whilst 96.12% was purchased by foreign suppliers (second chart). The situation, again, has considerably worsened throughout the first two decades of the millenium, showing a disinterest of American companies in uranium.

Moreover, the two charts above together show that not only U.S. domestic production is small, but, it is also partly done by foreign companies, which is confirmed by the graph below (created with the World of Uranium – 2). Indeed Australian and Canadian companies hold shares of American uranium deposits.

Meanwhile, American mining companies hold, worldwide, relatively few reserves and resources. As they have been little involved overseas, apart from some mines held in Paraguay, Australia and Canada, their share of overseas reserves and resources is relatively not very important (see The World of Uranium – 2: Mines, States, Companies and Shares of Reserves and Resources – Database and Interactive Graph).

Dependence on foreign companies and foreign supply for uranium

As a result, with little production either at home or abroad, the United States relies abundantly on purchase from foreign companies of uranium mined abroad, mainly through long-term contracts (84,08% in 2023) and on the spot market (14,92% in 2023) (U.S. Energy Information Administration, “Table S1a. Uranium purchased by owners and operators of U.S. civilian nuclear power reactors, 2002-2023”, 2023 Uranium Marketing Annual Report, June 2024).

The countries from which the uranium delivered in 2023 was purchased are as shown on the chart below:

Origin of uranium purchased by owners and operations of U.S. civilian nuclear power reactors for delivery in 2023

As we shall now see this American dependence on foreign uranium and foreign operators fragilise the security of uranium supply of the U.S. in the light of global politics.

When dependence on foreign uranium fragilise the security of uranium supply

Losing Russia and Niger’s uranium?

Assuming the new 2025 Trump administration does not change 2024 policies and does not work its way towards mending relationships with Russia, by 1st January 2028 and the end of the Russian sanctions waiver regime, Russia should not be anymore a source for uranium for the U.S..

Actually, considering the Russian decision to temporarily ban the export of enriched uranium to the U.S., with exceptions according to Russian interests, the necessity for America not to rely on Russian uranium could be far closer in time, if not immediate (Jonathan Tirone, Ari Natter and Will Wade, “Russia takes aim at US nuclear power by throttling uranium“, Mining.com, 15 November 2024).

The need to replace Russian uranium could also last “only” as long as American policy towards Russia does not change, while being a stake among others in possible future changes of relationships between the U.S. and Russia.

It is also likely that in the future, Niger will not either be, for the U.S., a source for uranium, considering international developments (see Hélène Lavoix, Niger: a New Severe Threat for the Future of France’s Nuclear Energy?, The Red Team Analysis Society, 21 June 24; RTI, “Niger embraces Russia for uranium production leaving France out in the cold” 13 November 2024).

Hence, always in the hypothesis of a continuation of the Biden administration’s policy toward Russia by the Trump administration, on top of the future requirements needed for its Nuclear Renaissance, the U.S. may also need to secure yearly 2.869 tU as U3O8 to replace Russian and Nigerien uranium (U.S. Energy Information Administration, “Table 3. Uranium purchased by owners and operators of U.S. civilian nuclear power reactors by origin country and delivery year, 2019–23”, 2023 Uranium Marketing Annual Report, June 2024).

More exactly, suppliers of uranium for American requirements need to secure every year these 2.869 tU as U3O8.

Increasing uranium requirements while shrinking the possible sources of supply

As a result, even though the requirements supplied previously by Russia and Niger are not new, they will nonetheless have to be met in a new way. It is thus 2.869 tU as U3O8 yearly the U.S. has to procure newly until 2029, to which will be added then the supplementary 2.867 tU as U3O8 each year, corresponding to the added nuclear capacity of scenario 1. Thus, on the one hand requirements have increased, while on the other hand the available supply has shrank as Russian and Nigerien deposits are not anymore available, until conditions and policies change.

The American requirements, which thus have to be supplied, are shown on the chart below:

Estimates for U.S. Yearly Uranium Requirements showing the share supplied by Russia and Niger – Scenario 1 of the American Nuclear Renaissance

To illustrate the purchases the U.S. would have to make to supply these new American uranium needs for Scenario 1, we may separate certain requirements – those that were supplied by Russia and Niger – from possible ones, stemming from the plans for the nuclear renaissance.

Replacing uranium from Russia and Niger

The yearly 2.869 tU as U3O8 requirements that were previously supplied by Russia and Niger, may now come from the increase in production planned by Canadian Cameco and French Orano for their plants of Cigar Lake(3) and McArthur River/Key Lake(4) (for more on these companies see, Helene Lavoix, “Revisiting Uranium Supply Security (1), The unique world of those who mine uranium“, The Red Team Analysis Society, 21 May 2024). If we look for these plants at the production for 2023 and compare it with the expected production for 2024, the increase in production for the two sites corresponds to 2.847 t U as U3O8, which is approximately what is needed to cover the American needs to replace Russia and Niger. In this hypothesis, we imagine that the partners for the two mines and mills sell all the supplementary production to the U.S..

Cigar Lake / McLean
Lake mill Mlbs
tU as U3O8McArthur
River / Key Lake mill
Mlbs
tU as U3O8Total MlbstU as U3O8Increase
202315.15808.1713.55192.7328.611000
2024186923.65186923.6536138472847
Max capacity186923.65259616.17
Remaining mine life (years)1316
End of production – (approx.) 20372040
@18 Mlbs/year
Sources: 2024 Cigar Lake Technical Report, p.12; McArthur River 2019 Technical Report, p. 9, McArthur river ramping down the last two years of mine life; Cameco, Orano

In 2038 and 2041, however, these mines will have reached the end of their lives and other sources of supply will have to be found.

Meanwhile, as we shall see in the next article, where we shall consider the impact of the American uranium requirements on the global uranium stage and then feedback on uranium supply, not all production of these mines may be sold to the U.S.. In that case, some American nuclear utilities would have to find elsewhere other sources of supply. At worst they could be left without enough uranium to power their reactors, which could mean electricity shortages.

Procuring for the new uranium requirements of the American nuclear renaissance

The main existing producing mines and mills of Canada have already been used in our hypothesis to replace Russian and Nigerien uranium (Canadian Nuclear Safety Commission, Operating uranium mines and millsRabbit Lake is currently under safe state of care and maintenance and 14.847 tU of indicated resources remain).

The U.S. will thus need to procure uranium elsewhere. This demands starting operations in new mines, as we shall see with the next article.

Now, each year, the new supplementary needs of the U.S. stemming from scenario 1 would represent the equivalent to between 10.6% and 11% of the entire 2024 Kazakh production, which should reach between 22.500 and 23.500 tU (update to 2024 production guidance, “Kazatomprom 1H24 Financial Results and 2025 Production Plan Update“, 23 August 2024). Kazakhstan is the first producer of uranium in the world.

This means that for 2030 the U.S. would need the equivalent to 10.6% to 11% of the Kazakh production. Then for 2031 it would need another 10.6% to 11%, thus it would absorb the equivalent to between 21.2% and 22% of the Kazakh production. For 2032 it would again need another 10.6% to 11%, thus would absorb the equivalent to between 31.8% and 33% of the Kazakh production, etc.

From 2045 onwards each year, considering the entirety of American requirements, the U.S. would swallow the equivalent of almost thrice the entire 2024 Kazakh production. The U.S. will thus have to “find three Kazakhstan” every year for ever or for as long as its nuclear energy capacity remains at 300 GWe.

These are unprecedented quantities.

Now, uranium mining, production, and trade are activities taking place at a global level: actions at one end of the planet by one player impact the whole uranium playing field, which in turn has consequences for each and every actor. Thus, before to look at options available to the U.S. we must first contextualise globally American uranium requirements: Uranium for the U.S. Nuclear Renaissance – 2: Towards a global geopolitical race.

Notes

(1) Advanced nuclear reactors include Generation III (Gen III), Generation III+ (Gen III+) and Generation IV (Gen IV) reactors (see for example, WNA, “Advanced Nuclear Power Reactors“, April 2021).

(2) These estimated requirements in uranium are a minimum. Indeed, if a reactor of an older technology is recommissioned, as is likely to be the case, then uranium requirements will be higher (for a rapid summary regarding the generations (GEN) of reactors and recommissioning, Lavoix “Towards a U.S. Nuclear Renaissance?“).

(3) Cigar Lake is owned at 54.547% by Cameco, 40.453% by Orano Canada Inc. (Orano) and 5% by TEPCO Resources Inc.

(4) The Key Lake mill is owned 83.333% by Cameco and 16.667% by Orano.

Fifth Year of Advanced Training in Early Warning Systems & Indicators – ESFSI of Tunisia

(Art direction and design: Jean-Dominique Lavoix-Carli)

At the end of October 2024, the Ecole Supérieure des Forces de Sécurité Intérieure (ESFSI) of the Home Ministry of Tunisia organised the first session of its fifth intensive training on early warning systems & indicators.

This session ran concurrently with a crisis management module, highlighting the interconnected nature of the two disciplines. First, if a warning system fails, a crisis ensues, requiring immediate crisis management decisions and actions. The job of the early warning module is thus to train senior officers to have to use as rarely as possible what is taught in the crisis management module, yet to be ready to do so. Second, as a crisis is managed through decisions and measures, it is crucial to anticipate potential future threats or hazards that may emerge as a consequence of the very management of the crisis. This includes grappling with the intricate domain of unintended consequences. Therefore, comprehending the concept and fundamentals of warning and effectively integrating warning systems and analyses into the crisis management process is essential.

For the October and November session of the training in early warning and indicators, Dr Hélène Lavoix trained senior officers in an intensive 35-hour programme focusing on fundamentals, processes, analysis and practice on issues of interest.

As always the many in-depth and extremely interesting discussions with the trainees and the executive management of the ESFSI, to say nothing of their amazing hospitality, transformed this week in a high level, high quality workshop.

The activity is supported by the European programme “CT-JUST” via Expertise France: “This multilateral and trans-regional programme aims to support regional stability by strengthening cross-border cooperation and the criminal justice system in the fight against terrorism and organised crime.” (News, “The EU-Just-CT project starts its activities in Morocco”, EU Neighbours South, June 2024).

Towards a U.S. Nuclear Renaissance?

(Art direction and design: Jean-Dominique Lavoix-Carli)

On 30 September 2024, the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) published the latest edition of the Pathways to Commercial Liftoff: Advanced Nuclear. Its aim is to contribute to accelerate advanced nuclear reactors’ commercial deployment in support of U.S. objectives in terms of nuclear energy, necessary notably to achieve its decarbonization goals. It follows on a first document published in March 2023.

Listen to the article as a deep dive conversation on our podcast, Foresight Frontlines – created with NotebookLM

The U.S. DOE document sets the civilian nuclear objectives the U.S. state would like to achieve, and presents arguments to convince American companies including bankers and other financial institutions that they should invest in nuclear energy.

What is the American nuclear renaissance all about? Why is it important knowing, in 2024, the U.S. is still the first civil nuclear power in the world? How does it fit in with the global return to nuclear power? What does it mean for the American National Interest? How does it compare with China’s surge in nuclear energy? Are the U.S. nuclear power objectives feasible?

First, we analyse the factors, including in terms of national security and international influence, that drive the American nuclear energy renaissance and the resulting objectives set, comparing them with China. Second, we look at the two scenarios the U.S. DOE designed to reach the objective in terms of nuclear energy capacity and envision a third worst-case scenario. Finally, we highlight the uncertainty and challenges the U.S. face in making the American nuclear renaissance a reality.

The drivers behind the American nuclear energy renaissance and objectives

We have three main factors or series of factors driving the American nuclear energy renaissance. Two of them are linked to international relations and American national security and, more classically, the last are related directly to the demand for energy constrained by decarbonisation.

Leading an international context favourable to nuclear energy

The renewed U.S. interest in nuclear energy takes place within a favourable global context, the return of nuclear power on the international stage.

The global nuclear renewal officially started in December 2023 at the COP 28 at Dubai with the pledge by 22 countries, supported by the nuclear industry, to treble nuclear energy by 2050 in the framework of the international efforts to reduce to zero GHG emissions for 2050 (see Helene Lavoix, “The Return of Nuclear Energy“, The Red Team Analysis Society, 26 March 2024). The pledge was jointly announced by both American Special Envoy John Kerry and French President Emmanuel Macron, the U.S. and France being then the first two world actors in terms of nuclear energy capacity. As far as the U.S. are concerned, this pledge followed on the first edition, in March 2023, of the Pathways to Commercial Liftoff: Advanced Nuclear, where the objective to treble U.S. nuclear capacity was set. The U.S., thus, did not only commit globally to the pledge to treble nuclear energy but also asserted their leading role by having taken this decision eight months earlier and now seeing the world follow them.

Then, in March 2024, 33 countries, including the U.S., attended the Nuclear Energy Summit, jointly hosted by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and Belgium and signed the new “Nuclear Energy Declaration”  reaffirming their strong commitment to nuclear energy (Ibid.).

On 19-20 September 2024 the commitment to nuclear energy was reasserted at the second high level conference of the Nuclear Energy Agency (NEA), “Roadmaps to New Nuclear 2024”, aimed at creating a network of government officials and industry leaders to “inform policy and investment decisions for new nuclear capacity and the long-term operation (LTO) of existing reactors” (NEA, Energy ministers and industry CEOs assemble to advance new nuclear deployment, 30 September 2024).

Considering the heavy investments needed for everything nuclear, financial support will be critical to see the global trebling of nuclear energy taking place. On 23 September 24 during the Climate Week, in New York City, at the “Financing the Tripling of Nuclear Energy – Leadership Event”, a group of 14 global financial institutions expressed their support for the pledge to triple nuclear energy capacity by 2050 (World Nuclear Association, “14 Major Global Banks and Financial Institutions express support to Triple Nuclear Energy by 2050“, 23 September 2024).

There is therefore a global determination to make the renaissance of nuclear energy possible on the terms decided at COP 28.

From the U.S. point of view, it is necessary the country remains at the forefront of this international effort and succeeds in carrying out its own nuclear renaissance. Indeed, the energy transition considering climate change, if current ways of life are to be preserved as much as possible, cannot take place without nuclear energy (see Lavoix, “The Return of Nuclear Energy“). Thus, as leading and “galvanizing the world” for a “clean energy transition” is part of the U.S. National Security Strategy., then the U.S. must lead the nuclear renaissance.

Moreover, the U.S. does not only perceives its international role as one of leadership, but being the world leader is both key for its own security and for the security of the world. This fundamental trend of American foreign policy was once more reasserted in the 2022 National Security Strategy, which stated, for example, that “around the world, the need for American leadership is as great as it has ever been” (President Biden, October 2022 National Security Strategy).

“Out-competing China and Constraining Russia”

Spearheading the renaissance in nuclear energy is even more important for the U.S. that nuclear power is also part and parcel of the battle that opposes the U.S. to China and Russia, and was defined in the 2022 National Security Strategy as “out-competing China and constraining Russia” (Ibid., pp. 23-27). The U.S. – and its allies – must combat what America perceives as the emergence of the enemy order – a new international order carried and shaped by China and Russia. Consequently, America’s enemies are identified; they are Russia and China, and they must fought (e.g. Hélène Lavoix “The American National Interest“, “The War between China and the U.S. – The Normative Dimension).

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The World of Uranium – 2: Mines, States, Companies and Shares of Reserves and Resources – Database and Interactive Graph.

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Indeed, to this end, on 17 April 2023, the United States, Canada, France, Japan, and the United Kingdom joined in the Sapporo 5 group, established for “Civil Nuclear Fuel Cooperation”. The members of the group, which will potentially be joined by friendly nations sharing the same vision, will collaborate strategically “on nuclear fuels to support the stable supply of fuels for the operating reactor fleets of today, enable the development and deployment of fuels for the advanced reactors of tomorrow, and achieve reduced dependence on Russian supply chains” (Department of Energy, “Statement on Civil Nuclear Fuel Cooperation Between the United States, Canada, France, Japan, and the United Kingdom“, 17 April 2023). One year later, Sapporo 5 underlined progress, notably regarding uranium enrichment, government-led investments and contracts awarded (Office of Nuclear Energy, “Sapporo 5 Leaders Make Significant Progress in Securing a Reliable Nuclear Fuel Supply Chain“, 18 April 2024).

Further, in May 2024, American sanctions banned imports of Russian uranium products (“Congress Passes Legislation to Ban Imports of Russian Uranium“, Morgan Lewis, 13 May 2024). Waivers will be granted until 1st January 2028 but not afterwards (U.S. Department of State, “Prohibiting Imports of Uranium Products from the Russian Federation“, 14 May 2024). As a result, and considering the other goals and drivers, a major effort will be required at all stages of the nuclear fuel supply chain.

Hence, nuclear energy, from its production to the entire nuclear fuel supply chain is now linked to U.S. role and influence in the world and to its combat against enemies and the emergence of an enemy order.

Demand for energy constrained by decarbonisation

Finally, the last driver or rather series of drivers for the American nuclear renaissance stems from the direct U.S. demand for nuclear energy, itself driven by the American demand for energy, and more particularly electricity, constrained by the need to decarbonise.

This is similar to what is happening worldwide, as seen in “Why nuclear energy increasingly matters” (in “The Return of Nuclear Energy”). However, in the U.S. case, we must also integrate the necessity to lead the global decarbonisation effort, as seen above, and the specificities of American energy demand.

Meeting energy demand is indispensable to make possible economic growth, especially in energy-hungry, notably electricity-hungry, sectors such as datacenters and artificial intelligence, which are key sectors for American economic expansion. Indeed, DOE, building upon in-depth research, highlights that U.S. electricity demand is likely to “more than double by 2050” (Pieter Gagnon, An Pham, Wesley Cole, et al. (2023), “2023 Standard Scenarios Report: A U.S. Electricity Sector Outlook“, Golden, CO: National Renewable Energy Laboratory; John D. Wilson and Zach Zimmerman, “The Era of Flat Power Demand is Over.”, Grid Strategies, Dec 2023; DOE, 2024 Pathways to Commercial Liftoff: Advanced Nuclear, p.9). It stresses the role of datacenters and artificial intelligence in this surge (2024 Pathways to Commercial Liftoff, p.8).

For example, Microsoft seeks approval for an agreement with Constellation Energy according to which it would buy all the power produced by the so far shuttered Three Mile Island Unit 1 (819 MWe) in Pennsylvania for over 20 twenty years (Darrell Proctor, “Microsoft Would Restart Three Mile Island Nuclear Plant to Power AI“, Power, 20 September 2024). As a result, Constellation would plan to invest USD 1.6 bn in the restart, which could take place in 2028 (Brian Martucci, “Constellation plans 2028 restart of Three Mile Island unit 1, spurred by Microsoft PPA“, Utility Dive, 20 September 2024.).

Meanwhile, in March 2024, Amazon (AWS) and Talen Energy Corp., owner of the 2.5-GW Susquehanna nuclear plant, entered into a deal according to the which Susquehanna plant will supply power to AWS over 10 years (Darrell Proctor, “AWS Acquiring Data Center Campus Powered by Nuclear Energy“, Power, 4 March 2024).

Similarly, Goldman Sachs Research estimates that the U.S. overall energy demand will rise 2.4% between 2022 and 2030, 0.9% stemming from datacenters (Goldman Sachs Insights, “AI is poised to drive 160% increase in data center power demand“, 14 May 2024). “Data centers will use 8% of US power by 2030, compared with 3% in 2022” (Ibid.). McKinsey sees this share to reach 11 to 12% by 2030, which would correspond to an additional 50 GW in energy (Alastair Green et al., “How data centers and the energy sector can sate AI’s hunger for power“, McKinsey 17 September 2024).

Considering the other factors, notably decarbonization imperatives and the need to reduce its cost, nuclear energy is a choice energy to meet this supplementary U.S. power demand, as stressed in DOE’s report (Pathways to Commercial Liftoff: Advanced Nuclear, pp. 9-11).

Besides the direct economic benefit, the energy demand factor is thrice important. First, ‘the expansion of America’s prosperity” is a stated part of the American National Interest (National Defense Strategy 2022 Factsheet). Hence being able to provide the right energy for economic development is fundamental for the U.S..

Second, as we saw, one aspect of the American national security strategy is to “out-compete China”. Economically and technologically, this can only be done with a lot of energy, and thus a lot of decarbonized energy. Furthermore, as we shall see below, China has already embarked on an ambitious civil nuclear programme.

Finally, as another facet of the competition with China, artificial intelligence has become a key component of the military. A race takes place between China and the U.S. for military intelligentization – 军事智能化 : intelligent military or military intelligentization (Pang Hongliang, “The dawn of intelligent military revolution is emerging – Interpreting the development trajectory of military technology from the perspective of the US “Third Offset Strategy”, National Defense University, 28 Jan 2016; report to the 19th Party Congress in October 2017, p.49; “Riding the express train of military intelligence development“, PLA Daily, 14 Nov 2017; Helene Lavoix, “Artificial Intelligence, Computing Power and Geopolitics (1)” and (2), June 2018; Jean-Michel Valantin, “AI at War (2) – Preparing for the US-China War?“, 17 September 2024).

In this race to out-compete China, the U.S. fears to be overtaken in this vital field. Some American future assessment of the PLA’s Strategic Support Force (PLASSF) highlight that “complacency could result in the U.S. falling behind China in intelligentized warfare by as early as 2027, with a likelihood of 93-99%” or by 2030 with the same probability (Col (s) Dorian Hatcher, “Intelligentization and the PLA’s Strategic Support Force“, the Army’s Mad Scientist Laboratory, 5 October 2023).

Thus, being able to serve the energy-hungry technologies, and more particularly those which are absolutely necessary to military intelligentization, becomes fundamental for defense and security, and, relatedly for influence.

These drivers and their interactions frame how the U.S. set its nuclear energy objective, as well as the ways and means that will be used to reach this aim.

Setting the nuclear energy objective

DOE, focusing mainly on energy demand in the context of decarbonisation, highlights the need for 200+ GW of new nuclear capacity in the U.S. by 2050 (2023 and 2024 Pathways to Commercial Liftoff, p.11).

The current U.S. nuclear net capacity is 96,952 GWe (IAEA/PRIS), resulting from “94 nuclear reactors operating at 54 sites”, providing approximately “20% of US electricity generation and almost half of domestic carbon-free electricity” (2024 Pathways to Commercial Liftoff, p. 21).

Thus, the objective is to treble the existing capacity by 2050 to reach approximately 300 GWe (Ibid., p.11), which has become the aim of the global framework for a nuclear renaissance.

Two or three scenarios?

The two scenarios of the U.S. Department of Energy

DOE evokes two scenarios to reach the objective of 300 GWe capacity by 2050 for nuclear energy (2024 Pathways to Commercial Liftoff, p. 39). Scenario 1, which is favoured, starts deployment in 2030, and considers that + 13 GWe per year are necessary. For this scenario to be possible, nuclear units must start being constructed in 2025 (Ibid.).

Scenario 2 starts deployment in 2035, and in that case + 20 GW added capacity per year will be necessary (Ibid.).

For a better understanding of what these scenarios entail and considering the U.S. willingness to “out-compete” China, we present below two charts, comparing the American objective with China’s surge* in terms of nuclear energy capacity. As far as China is concerned, we use the nuclear units under construction, planned and proposed, as known (World Nuclear Association, “Nuclear Power in China“, updated 13 August 2024, incl. IAEA/PRIS data). For planned and proposed units, building on latest known realisations, we attribute varying years for the start of construction, up to 2039, and then count 5 years until connection to the grid.

Interestingly, the American objective and the Chinese capacity being built lead to very similar results by the mid-2040s, despite China starting from a smaller nuclear capacity. A race could be taking place between China and the U.S.. However, despite the U.S. will to out-compete China, the objective set is more about being on a par with the Middle-Kingdom.

Keeping in mind that the dates given for Chinese planned and proposed nuclear units are tentative, if we look at the evolution of the American and Chinese positions in the development of nuclear energy capacity, and compare the two scenarios, in the first scenario the U.S. remains ahead of China almost for the whole period. The gap closes towards the end of the period, around 2043. In the second scenario, starting in 2031, China moves ahead of the U.S. and remains in the lead until 2039, when the U.S. finally catches up.

What if there were a third scenario?

There is also an unsaid scenario, which emerges if we only take into consideration nuclear units in construction, planned and proposed and not objectives. This is the approach we used in our article “The Future of Uranium Demand – China’s Surge*. In this scenario, no new nuclear reactor would be constructed. This is a worst case scenario, where the U.S. would fail to generate enough private interest to trigger the massive investments demanded by nuclear energy.

In that case, by 2031, China would lead the world in terms of nuclear energy production. The U.S. would not catch up.

Uncertainty and Challenges

The uncertainty of “incentive-based objectives”

As explained in the DOE report, the U.S. sets objectives, establishes a common normative framework and common knowledge base and then develops incentives that should then incite the private sector to act in such a way that public objectives are met.

If we compare the U.S. approach through “incentive-based objectives” to the Chinese state-led planning, here is what we have in terms of estimates for nuclear energy capacity up to 2050.

In the American case, we have official objectives and yearly targets. However, so far, the reality of nuclear capacity remains quasi unchanged (see also below “An absence of first results when time is short“). The rise in nuclear capacity observed stems solely from the objectives. The level of uncertainty is high.

On the contrary, in the Chinese case, nuclear units being already in construction, it is almost certain that in 2030 China will have caught up with the U.S or be about to do so.

Furthermore, uncertainty is heightened in the U.S. case, because many challenges will need to be overcome.

An aged fleet of nuclear reactors

In September 2024, as seen the U.S. has 94 nuclear reactors operating. However, this fleet is old: “Over 90% of the 2024 US nuclear fleet was constructed in the 1970s and 1980s” (DOE, 2024 Pathways to Commercial Liftoff, p.23). The wave of sustained nuclear plants construction and connection to the grid ended in 1990, with only 5 nuclear plants built and connected to the grid since then (Ibid.).

U.S. DOE 2024 Pathways to Commercial Liftoff – Figure 20: Commercial nuclear capacity and number of reactors commissioned by year

Scenarios 1 and 2 therefore require the licenses of all US nuclear reactors to be renewed when necessary, so that existing reactors can continue to operate. Otherwise, American nuclear power would collapse.

By contrast, the Chinese nuclear fleet is younger. The oldest Chinese reactor, Qinshan 1, saw its construction start in 1985 (WNA, “Nuclear Power in China“, 13 August 2024). It was connected to the grid in 1991 (Ibid.). Two reactors were built at the end of the 1980s and connected during the early 1990s, seven were started at the end of the 1990s and connected during the first decade of the second millenium and all others, i.e. 46, are post-2000s (ibid.).

Furthermore, as the U.S. nuclear reactors’ fleet has aged, this means that the types of nuclear reactors in service also belong to older generations.

Advanced nuclear reactors include Generation III (Gen III), Generation III+ (Gen III+) and Generation IV (Gen IV) reactors (see for example, WNA, “Advanced Nuclear Power Reactors“, April 2021). Advanced nuclear reactors are safer, with a smaller footprint in terms of various materials – as well as space – used and waste produced, more efficient in terms of fuel and operation (Ibid.). They are also meant to have a lower cost of capital (Ibid.).

The Vogtle reactors – Vogtle-3 (1117 MWe) and Vogtle-4 (1117 MWe), the two latest U.S. reactors built, connected to the grid in November 23 and March 24, are Gen III+ reactors. They are the only ones of this kind in the country and the U.S. has no Gen III reactor. By comparison, in China, out of 56 operating reactors (IAEA/PRIS), 14 reactors are Gen III and 2 are Gen III+ (WNA, “Nuclear Power in China“, 13 August 2024). Furthermore, in December 2021, China also connected to the grid the first ever Gen IV small modular reactor.

As a result, in America, the resurrection of reactors that were retired early may help the growth of produced GW, but with a price to pay.

For example, Holtec gets ready to recommission Palisades, which operated for over 40 years and was retired in May 2022 (NRC Preparing to Oversee First of a Kind Effort to Restart a Shuttered Plant). The plant should return to service by the end of 2025, as part of a December 2023 project including two small modular reactors (SMR-300 reactor units) to be operational in mid-2030 (Sonal Patel, “DOE Finalizes $1.52B Palisades Loan for First-Ever U.S. Nuclear Plant Recommissioning“, Power, 30 Sept 2024). In the meantime, worries about this old reactor resurface (Environmentalist Sierra Club, Michigan Chapter, “Reopening the Palisades Nuclear Power Plant Creates Many Risks” May 2024). Furthermore, the process of relaunching a totally stopped reactor is something completely new, which may only heightens worries (e.g.  Nicole Pollack, “The murky process of reopening Palisades and why it’s a turning point for nuclear“, Great Lakes Now, 1 May 2024). This runs counter to the peace of mind necessary for the nuclear renaissance, when concerns about safety must have been allayed.

Resurrecting reactors may be done only at the margin, when safety is assured. Considering notably efficiency and safety, reopening old nuclear plants cannot replace building new advanced nuclear reactors.

The difficult construction of few advanced reactors and negative perceptions

U.S. perception of the construction of advanced reactors is informed by the construction and then connection to the grid of the Vogtle Units 3 and 4**, the only two successful available cases.

For these two units,”the original budget was ~$14B, while the final cost was approximately ~$32B” (DOE, 2024 Pathways to Commercial Liftoff, p.47). Vogtle Unit 3 was expected to start in 2016, and Unit 4 shortly afterwards (Nuclear Newswire, “Vogtle-4 startup delayed to Q2“, 5 February 2024). They started respectively in November 2023 and March 2024, thus with a 7 years delay.

Then, perceptions of the construction of Western advanced nuclear reactor may not ignore the EPR (initially European pressurized reactor, renamed Evolutionary power reactor) experiences.

France’s Gen III+ EPR at Flamanville (1600 MWe) was 12 years delayed (17 years instead of 54 months, i.e. 4.5 years, planned, construction started in December 2007). The initial cost was 3.3bn €, but finally amounted to 13.3bn € (Anthony Raimbault, “EPR de Flamanville : retour sur les nombreux déboires d’un interminable chantier“, France Bleu, 8 May 2024). The Olkiluoto-3 EPR in Finland was 13 years delayed and to the initial € 3.3 bn budget were added € 10 bn (Jean-Michel Bezat, “Nucléaire : l’Etat français aide Areva à solder le passif de l’EPR finlandais“, Le Monde, 8 juillet 2021). By contrast the two EPRs (Taishan 1 and 2) built in China also met delays, but only 8 years were needed between the start of the construction and first grid connection (WNA, “Nuclear Power in China“, 13 August 2024).

For the EPR, the final cost per MW (8.3 M € per MW) remains lower than for Vogtle units (14.3 M US$), but it is nonetheless higher than what was initially budgeted.

Hence, the perceptions of the construction of Gen III and Gen III+ nuclear plants for Americans and more largely Western actors, those that will also be involved into financing the American Nuclear Renaissance, include the risks of long delays and enormous budgetary drifts.

Because very few reactors were constructed, even though the analysis of the problems has been done, the solutions proposed have not been experimented. As a result, it cannot be demonstrated that the risks have truly been mitigated. For example, the DOE 2024 Pathways to Commercial Liftoff studies at length the difficulties met by Vogtle 3 and 4 and out of this understanding makes recommendations. Yet, so far, these remain recommendations on paper.

Investors and constructors must be convinced that these strategies and recommendations are the right one and sufficient to lead to shorter construction and deployment time and to the respect of initial cost.

Furthermore, because few advanced reactors were built, the full ecosystem that goes with the development of a thriving industrial activity, from workforce, to subcontractor, from foundry to the myriad of skills and competencies involved in the construction of advanced nuclear reactors, could not fully emerge and expand (DOE, 2024 Pathways to Commercial Liftoff, pp. 55-56). This could create unforeseen chokepoints and challenges that only increase uncertainty and the perception of a high-risk activity.

The quest for a new financing model

Considering the perceived high-risk and the heavy investment needs, the American and international private sector so far appears as hesitating.

This reluctance was highlighted in a Financial Times article reporting notably on bankers’ and Big Tech chief scientist officers’ and heads of energy’s discussions (Malcolm Moore and Lee Harris, “Is nuclear energy the zero-carbon answer to powering AI?“, 3 October 2024). For the interviewees, the main factors that could trigger the launch of the construction of nuclear plants were now positive – i.e. government commitments, financial commitments to support new nuclear construction, and demand for nuclear energy. Yet, so far, no one wants to put capital into the activity because of the high-risk perception in terms of years delay and billions over budget (Ibid.).

Within the American private-sector orientated paradigm, actors, including the U.S. state, will have to find a new model for financing nuclear energy and building new reactors if the targets are to be met. The new consortium-like approaches suggested by DOE, besides the array of various incentives in favour of nuclear energy, including loans, programs or tax credits, added to more authoritative actions directed abroad such as sanctions against Russia, could be a way forward or an element of the new model (DOE, 2024 Pathways to Commercial Liftoff, pp.40 and following).

Considering the very long timeline for everything related to nuclear power, if this new approach is not found, or is not efficient enough, then the third scenario or a variation on it may still take place. It is obvious that it is in the interest of the U.S. and of its companies not to see that happening. However, short-termism and the financialization of activities, alongside a quest for rapid growth and profits, may also be too powerful to favour the wise long-term investments, which are at the heart of the nuclear field (e.g. Thomas I. Palley, “Financialization: What It Is and Why It Matters“, Levy Economics Institute, Working Paper 525, 2007).

An absence of first results when time is short

Given the challenges involved, so far, most of the announcements made, such as the agreement between Microsoft and Constellation, have mainly concerned the purchase of energy, rather than the construction of nuclear reactors. Furthermore, they concerned old reactors and not new advanced ones.

Yet, to see the advanced nuclear “commercial liftoff in the US” taking place according to scenario 1, “first orders would need to be placed by ~2025” (DOE, 2024 Pathways to Commercial Liftoff, p.40).

As of 30 September 2024, there is no such order, i.e. “signed contracts, to construct new nuclear reactors in the US” (Ibid.). Only expressions of interests have been registered (Ibid.). Meanwhile, according to the counts of the World Nuclear Association, 13 reactors are being proposed, for a capacity of 0.11 GWe (WNA, “World Nuclear Power Reactors & Uranium Requirements“, 1st October 2024).

The year 2025 will be decisive.

A battle of ideologies

The capacity of the U.S. to see a new model for nuclear energy emerge could have tremendous impact beyond the nuclear field, .

Indeed, as seen above, the American nuclear energy renaissance is also enmeshed with the American National Security Strategy as it seeks to ensure the U.S. international order prevails over the Sino-Russian one. Thus, if the American model proved incapable of achieving the U.S. nuclear renaissance, then not only would the U.S. fail to meet its various objectives, and to remain the world primary player in nuclear energy, but the very ideological model it champions would be questioned. In addition, the U.S. would have to face cascading consequences for energy-intensive American technological development, for example in the field of artificial intelligence with effects on the military, which, in turn, would also negatively impact American influence in the world.

The challenge here is collective and involves the whole of American society. As the world tends to become bipolar again, it will also impact the U.S. allies.

The U.S. nuclear renaissance is thus at once key and challenging in many ways. It faces many hurdles such as an aged fleet of reactors and little experience of nuclear plant construction over the last decades. Meanwhile, the U.S. “incentive-based approach” as public policy model adapted to nuclear energy and to the scale of the effort envisioned has yet to prove itself.

Yet, American needs and objectives are formidable, as, according to DOE, the U.S. must build and connect to the grid twice as much nuclear capacity by 2050, i.e. in 25 years, than what it succeeded doing between 1965 and 2024 (shutdown capacity not taken into account), i.e. in almost 60 years.

Will power and creativity must never be underestimated, especially when intertwined with national and international security. It will be essential to watch closely what happens in the US nuclear energy sector over the next few years, and in particular over the next twelve months, as these will be critical.

Now, to these formidable tasks must be added another key element, the capacity to fuel the future fleet of reactors. The next article will focus on the uranium requirements of the U.S. nuclear renaissance.


Notes

*Compared with the article “The Future of Uranium Demand – China’s Surge“, here, we changed our way to estimate China’s future nuclear capacity. Notably we introduced estimated dates for the start of construction of reactors and the connection to the grid for the planned and proposed nuclear reactors.

**The Vogtle Units 3 and 4 are owned by Georgia Power (45.7%), Oglethorpe Power Corporation (30%), Municipal Electric Authority of Georgia (22.7%) and Dalton Utilities (1.6%).

AI at War (3) – Hyperwar in the Middle east

(Image: UK MOD,
OGL v1.0OGL v1.0, via Wikimedia Commons )

AI is everywhere in the current Middle East wars.

In the Gaza war, triggered by the monstruous massacre inflicted by the Hamas militia on 7 October 2023, the Israel military is using machine learning in order to produce targets in Gaza ( “Octobre 7: How Hamas Attacked Israel, minute-by-minute”, Haaretz, 18 April, 2024,  Daniel BymanRiley McCabeAlexander PalmerCatrina Doxsee, Mackenzie Holtz, and Delaney Duff, « Hama’s October 7 Attack : Visualizing data“, CSIS, December 19, 2023, Connor Echols, “Israel using secret AI tech to target Palestinians”, Responsible Statecraft, April 23, 2024).

Artificial intelligence (AI) is also used to pilot the “Iron Dome” air defence system against Hezbollah and Houthis rockets and missiles (Gautam Ramachandra, “How artificial intelligence is improving “Iron Dome”“, May 13, Medium, 2023, and “Iron Dome is saving a lot of lives in Israel: here’s all about the world-famous air system”, The Economic Times, October 3, 224).

However, reciprocally Hamas, the Gaza Islamic militant militia, and its allies are using generative AI at strategic ends. It does so to flood social networks with edited and extremely moving pictures, films as well as fictitious images of the Palestinian civil casualties (David Klepper, “Fake Babies, real horror: Deepfakes from Gaza war increase fears about AI’s power to mislead”, AP, 28 November 2023).

Meanwhile, the conflicts between Israel, the Hezbollah militia and Iran involve electronic warfare, drones and hyper sonic missiles, which are all inherent to the “AI power” field (“When Artificial Intelligence will Power Geopolitics – Presenting AI”, The Red Team Analysis Society, November 27, 2017 and “Exploring cascading impacts with AI”, The Red Team Analysis Society, May 17, 2023 and “Portal to AI-Understanding AI and Foreseeing the AI powered world”,  “Portal to Quantum Information Science and Technology- Towards a Quantum AI World ?” The Red Team Analysis Society .

In other words, the Middle East is a major area for the emerging AI warfare on conventional battlefields. It is also true in the cognitive and performative war dimensions and in the AI technology race. This begs the question of the consequences of these new technologies on the evolution of warfare.

Reciprocally, the question arises of knowing if the militarization of AI may become a driver of new risks of uncontrolled escalation?

Israel and AI warfare

AI on the battlefield(s)

AI is ubiquitous in the wars and battles that Israel wages in Gaza and in Lebanon, while activating its multilayer air defense systems constituted by the Iron Dome, David’s frond and the Arrow. Indeed, the Israeli offensive is a mix of conventional urban warfare and of an intense bombing campaign.

Military AIs, known as “Gospel”, “Lavender” and “Where’s Daddy ?”, are producing target lists (Connor Echols, “Israel using secret AI tech to target Palestinians”, Responsible Statecraft, April 23, 2024). The rhythm of this target’s production is extremely high and can reach a hundred targets a day. Human validation being extremely quick, the AI generation of targets imposes a constant rhythm of bombing (Yuval Abraham, ““Lavender”: the AI machine directing the bombing spree in Gaza”, 972, April 3, 2024).

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In the case of the “Gospel”, a machine learning algorithm estimates the probability of the presence of a Hamas fighter or official in a house or a building at certain times of day. “Lavender” and “Where’s daddy” estimate probabilities regarding the schedule of the movements of a Hamas member, at work or with his family. However, the level of errors of those AIs is as high as 10% (Connor Echols, ibid).

So, the targeting process defines the rhythm of the bombing process. This military version of the “fourth industrial revolution” induces the conversion of numerous civilians into “collateral damages”. The risk is even greater if they are part of the 10% “margin error” (Noah Sylvia, “The Israel’s Defense Force use of AI in Gaza: a case of misplaced purpose”, Royal United Services Institute, 4 July 2024 and Yuval Abraham, ibid ).

Producing targets

The AI industrial rhythm of the targeting/bombing continuum is such that is among the most destroyed urban areas since the start of the 21st century (“How satellite radar helps scientists map destruction in GazaMarket Place, 25 January 2024 and Daniele Palumbo, Abdelrahman Abutaleb, Paul Cusiac & Erwan Rivault, « At least half of Gaza’s buildings damaged or destroyed, new study shows », BBC, 30 January 2024, Evan Dyer).

In other terms, AI appears as being an unquestionable “force multiplier”, because it bestows upon Tsahal a twin capability of precise targeting, in such quantities that the series of targeted bombing acquire a “mass destruction” quality.

However, if, in the Israeli case, AI is a conventional “force multiplier”, it appears that very advanced military technology can still be mitigated. Older and conventional forms of battlefield preparations, such as tunnels and combat uses of urban landscape, are still quite efficient (Carlo J.V Caro, « Unpacking the history of Urban warfare and its challenges in Gaza », Stimson Centre, 17 October, 2023, John Keegan History of Warfare, 1993, Edward Luttwak, Strategy, the Logic of War and Peace, Harvard University Press, 2002).

New technologies and the shock of the old

That is why after 11 months of high intensity war, the Hamas militia retains a military capability in Gaza: its fighters have been using the immense labyrinth of underground tunnels as a disruptive battlefield. Those narrow structures are forcing Israeli’s units to loose their cohesion and their firepower.

Also, their location protects them from a large proportion of the daily bombings (Nathan Rennolds, “It’s a trap, warns UK warns UK spy chief, as Israel prepares for months of brutal urban warfare against Hamas in bombed-out Gaza”, Business Insider, 15 October 2023).

Limits to AI military dominance growth

As it happens, those bombings are also a driver of the “paradoxical logic of strategy”, that, for example, has the capability to turn the race towards victory into failure (Edward Luttwak, Strategy, the Logic of War and Peace, Harvard University Press, 2002). Indeed, the pointillistic mass destruction of the Gaza urban landscape transforms the city into an impassable maze (Jean-Michel Valantin,  “The war in Gaza and China’s pivot to the Middle East”, The Red Team Analysis Society, November 22, 2023)..

Deploying ground units in such an environment necessitates to disrupt their cohesion into small units. Those become de facto more vulnerable to a constant guerrilla warfare, which is in favour of the defendant, i.e the Hamas militia (David Kilcullen, The Dragon and the Snakes, How the Rest learned to fight the West, Hurst, 2020 and Stephen Biddle, Nonstate Warfare, the military methods of guerrillas, warlords, and militias, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2021).

Thus, it appears that the AI generated bombing rhythm and scale has unintended military consequences. Indeed, as seen in each and every urban theatre of operations, they reinforce the level of difficulty inherent to the military penetration of an urban landscape ( David Kilcullen, Out of the Mountains, The coming age of urban guerrilla, Hurst and Company, 2015).

Thus, the destroyed urban landscape becomes a driver, among others, of the lengthening of the war. This time factor plays in favour of the Hamas, especially through the AI-based strategy of performative and cognitive warfare of the Islamic militant group.

AI Warfare and the diffusion of (Hamas) AI technostrategies

If AI allows the Israeli military to benefit from a force multiplier on the physical battlefield, generative AI opens up the cyberspace to performative and cognitive warfare.

Performative/cognitive warfare

Indeed, since November 2023, there is a flood of edited videos surging on social medias depicting the terrible sufferings of the civilian population of Gaza. Those contents are duplicated from one platform to the other. It is the case, for example from the Chinese TikTok to the U.S. X/Twitter (Jean-Michel Valantin, “The war in Gaza and China’s pivot to the Middle East”, The Red Team Analysis Society, November 22, 2023 and Matthew Ford and Andrew Hoskins, Radical War, Data, Attention and Control in the 21st Century, Hurst Publishing, 2022).

As it happens, the bombings in Gaza also shock and mobilize Arab opinions as well as many people staggered by the dreary conditions of the civil population of Gaza. Specifically in the Palestinian case, those collective emotions mingle with the painful problem of the Palestinian issue, still “unresolved” after almost 75 years of conflict (Avi Shlaim, The Iron Wall, Israel and the Arab World, Penguin Books, 2014).

Mobilization as brain targetting

Those video streams feed collective reactions, such as the massive pro-Palestinian protests throughout Europe and the Middle East. All these reactions are interacting with the Hamas videos and expand its reach and its scale of hyper object. As a result, throughout 2023 and 2024, the more the Israeli bombing and attacks have created victims, the more they have reinforced the anti-Israeli protests (“Global protests in support of Palestinians, rallies for hostages trapped in Gaza”, Reuters, October 22, 2023).

The full use of the interactive power of the social media matrix at the global, national and personal levels of the Hamas-Israel war becomes a mammoth driver of political emotions at the global scale (Lawrence Freedman, The Future of War: a History, Penguin Books, 2017, and David Kilcullen, The Dragons and the Snakes, How the Rest Learned to fight the West, Hurst, 2020).

This strategy then is prolonged by the flow of images, commentaries and interpretation of these online video streams at a global scale. Indeed, those video streams hybrid themselves with the explosive content of the political and affective collective memories of the Palestinian history “versus” the Israeli and Jewish history.

The information war strategy of the Hamas triggers an enormous and emotionally turbo-charged “conflict of interpretation” for these video streams, that infuses and immerses through constant dialectics the different levels of the political and military decision-making processes (Man, the State, and War: A Theoretical Analysis by Kenneth N. Waltz, New York, Columbia University: 1959).

Thus, in itself, this performative/political efficiency infuses the public opinions all around the world with the images of the Gaza war. Those images trigger very painful emotions in the population.

Generative AI and cognitive battlefield

In order to reinforce the impact of their performative strategy, the Hamas and its allies use generative AI. This innovative technology allows to produce fake pictures and victims, which are streamlined in the real videos. This editing approach is an « emotional force multiplier » (David Klepper, “Fake Babies, real horror: Deepfakes from Gaza war increase fears about AI’s power to mislead”, AP, 28 November 2023).

This strategy is tantamount to a cognitive warfare strategy. Indeed, the global diffusion of these videos on social medias is turning them into cognitive and emotional ammunitions. Furthermore, through the use of individual smartphones, those cognitive ammunitions impact millions of individual brains and psyches (Annamaria Sabû, Gabrielas Anca, “Using artificial intelligence tools for obtaining cognitive warfare advantage”, The Defence Horizon Journal, October 2023, 2023).

Those « cognitive strikes » are all the more powerful because of the AI produced reinforcement algorithms inherent to social networks. Those algorithms monitor the behaviour and preferences of each user. Through this knowledge, the algorithms multiply contacts between each user and videos with an high index of « popularity » (Cathy O’Neill, Weapons of Math Destruction, How Big data increases inequality and threatens democracy, Penguin Books, 2017 and Paul Scharre, Four Battlegrounds, Power in the age of artificial intelligence, W.W. Norton & Company, 2023).

Thus, the very logic of social networks becomes a « cognitive force multiplier » that turns Hamas into a « performative and cognitive warfare great power ». With such tools, Hamas is now waging a cognitive war against Israel. This strategy is a new way to wage « political warfare » through the influence that digital and AI tools confer to its users.

Technology, violence and war

The consequences of the very rapid integration of these new technologies to the management of war need to be understood very quickly. Indeed, since the 19th century, the nexus of science/industry/military/war leads to large-scale transformations in the levels and scale of violence and intensity of war.

For example, in the 17th century, almost 10 million Europeans were killed during the 30 Years’ war. 9 millions were killed during the 1914-1918 First World War (Geoffrey Parker, The Military revolution: Military innovation and the rise of the west, 1500-1800, Cambridge University Press, 1996).

This discrepancy is inherent in the unforeseen interactions between mass armies and industrial destructive capabilities. This logic was magnified and pushed to the extreme during the Second World War, ending in the use of the very first nuclear bombings on Hiroshima and Nagasaki (Niall Ferguson, The Pity of War, Explaining World War I, Basic Books, 2000 and The War of the World, History’s Age of Hatred, Allen Lane, 2006).

These examples reveal the way new technologies may inject new levels of violence in war. Thus, they trigger accelerated rates of escalation, while inflicting very high levels of damages and mass destruction.

Nowadays, the military uses of AI seem to trigger the very same logic. This logic manifests through the rising conflict between Israel, the Lebanese Hezbollah militia and Iran.

AI and escalation: Hezbollah

While the Gaza war was dragged on from 2023 to 2024, the Lebanese Hezbollah militia started shifting from missiles and rockets to drones in its attacks on Israel.

Hezbollah and the AI arms race

Since June 2024, Hezbollah has launched hundreds of drone attack upon the Israeli territory. Hezbollah uses Ababil-B acts as a loitering munition. It is able to change trajectories, making it very difficult for the Israeli multi-layered air defence system of the Iron Dome and David’s sling to intercept them (Ari Cicurel, Yoni Tobin, “Hezbollah’s new drone threat to Israel”, The Jewish Institute for National Security of America / JINSA, July 2, 2024, Bassem Mroue, “The threat Israel didn’t foresee: Hezbollah’s drone power”, AP, August 9, 2024).

Hezbollah also uses the Iran-made Shaheed drones. Those are equipped with GPS and manoeuvrable capabilities. They embark missiles and launch them while already flying over Israel. Thus, the Israeli air force and air defence systems have to disrupt both drones and missiles (Cicurel and Tobin, ibid).

This doubling of Hezbollah’s capability to penetrate the Israeli’s air protection through the association of drones and missiles leads to a greater number of strikes. These new weapons also indicate that the Shiite militia enters in the age of AI war technologies. Thus, it is entering into an arms race with Israel.

It also mobilizes the Israeli AI-piloted air defence system, as well as fighter planes and the fleet of combat helicopters. This situation induces massive costs. For example, during the 13 to 14 April 2024 night, Iran, the Hezbollah’s patron state, launched a mammoth 300 missiles and drones strike against the Hebrew state.

The large majority of these weapons was intercepted by the Israeli’s air defence as well as by U.S., UK, French and Jordanian air forces (Emmanuel Fabian, “IDF: 99% Of the 300 or so projectiles fired by Iran overnight were intercepted”, The Times of Israel, 14 April, 2024).

The economics of the Iron Dome

Meanwhile, the Israeli counter strikes cost more than 1 billion dollars to Jerusalem.

In other words, a full and repetitive use of the air defense systems is a way to harm financially the technologically dominant Israeli system. As it happens, the Houthis develop an analogous strategy in the Red Sea when they attack the U.S., UK, French and Israeli navies (Jean-Michel Valantin, “Apocalypse in the Red Sea- Anthropocene wars 9”, The Red Team Analysis Society, 20 February, 2024).

Networks of pagers, swarms of bombs

Facing this new Hezbollah’s techno-strategic threat, the Israeli military escalates in another domain. This happens through the ultra-precise targeting of the Hezbollah’s command structure. This leads to a series of impressively targeted strikes. The more notable are the simultaneous detonations of the 2100 pagers of the militia’s commanders, maiming or killing their holders (Jonathan SaulSteven Scheer and Ari Rabinovitch, “Hezbollah’s pager attack puts spotlight on cyber warfare unit 8200”, Reuters, September 20, 2024).

Then, on 27 September 24, the Israeli air force launched several “bunker buster” bombs on Lebanon. Those weapons were piloted by JDAM / “smart bomb” devices. The attack killed Hassan Nasrallah, the political leader of Hezbollah in his underground headquarters in Beirut (Emmanuel Fabian, “Israel confirms bunker-buster bombs used in attack on Nasrallah”, The Times of Israel, 29 September 2024).

The JDAM system (“Joint direct attack munition”) is a guidance system that combines inertial guidance and Global Positioning System and that is compatible with multiple bombing systems (“Joint Direct Attack Munitions”, Military.com). This system turns the bomb into an autonomous inertial weapon system. It can correct its own trajectory with a 5 meters accuracy.

The last generation of JDAM systems integrate AI reinforcement. In 2023, experiments with this innovative evolution of JDAM were aiming at making the bombs work together as a swarm, dubbed “the Golden Horde” (Joseph Trevithic, “Jet-powered JDAM aims to turn bombs into cruise missiles”, The War Zone, 24 October, 2023).

Hypersonic missiles in the Sky

On 30 September, in retaliation to this strike, Iran, the patron state of Lebanese Hezbollah, launched a 180 missiles strong salvo against Israel. This is the second missile strike against Israel since April 2024.

It could appear as a “classical” form of strategic demonstration. On the one hand, it allows the Iranian theocracy not to lose face. On the other hand, the Israeli defense system AIs were able to intercept more than 300 projectiles at the same time. (Gautam Ramachandra, “How artificial intelligence is improving “Iron Dome”, May 13, Medium, 2023, and “Iron Dome is saving a lot of lives in Israel: here’s all about the world-famous air system”, The Economic Times, October 3, 224).

However, this new Iranian strike includes several “Fattah” hypersonic missiles. Those ballistic missiles integrate AI systems in order to be able to self-correct their Mach 13-Mach 15 trajectory. It appears that some of these missiles breached the multi-layered Israeli defences (Devika Bhattacharya, “October 2, 2024 and “ Fattah 2: How Iran used hypersonic missile to pierce Israel’s air defence”, India Today,  “How Iran Fattah and Gahdr missiles defeated Israel’s advanced air systems”, The Economic Times, October 3, 2024).

As it happens, this Iranian strike raises a strategic issue: if the Islamic Republic succeeds in achieving its nuclear program, there are reasons to believe that the hybridation of nuclear bombs and hypersonic missiles will not be far away. What will happen then to the regional and international balance of power? So, this technological and strategic race may also become, if it is not already the case, a driver of strategic escalation across the Middle East.

Who will dominate dominant technologies ?

In other terms, the militarization of AI confers a relative advantage to the Israeli military. However, this technological and military wave spreads rapidly across the Middle East. Israel is a world leader in terms of AI development as well as in innovative weaponry. However, the extension of warfare and of theatres of operations in the AI field is driving changes in warfare. Among those, the emergence of cognitive warfare as well as of new generations of offensive weapons have great impact.

This new technological wave drives the development of new forms of strategies playing alternatively or simultaneously in different domains. The military AI wave is starting to have a conventional as well as performative and cognitive “force multiplier” effect in a region already saturated with strategic tensions and conflicts.

It remains to be seen how this technological / strategic evolution is going to impact the rising conflicts, and if governments are going to be able to contain the new forces they unleashed into old conflicts.

Or not.

In which case, technology-driven escalation in the Middle East is going to have to be assessed.

AI at War (2) – Preparing for the US-China War?

(Art direction and design: Jean-Dominique Lavoix-Carli)

Darkening clouds (of drones)

On 28 August 2023, on the Island of Guam, Kathleen Hicks, Deputy Secretary of Defense, gave a speech at a military and media crowd about the need for the U.S. to mass produce drones in order to outsize the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (Deputy Secretary Kathleen Hicks Keynote Adress: “The Urgency to innovate”, US Department of Defense, 28 August, 2023).

The mission of this centre will be to protect NATO and NATO countries against cyberattacks, especially Russian and Chinese. It is worth noting that, during the NATO summit, the Belarus and Chinese militaries were carrying out joint maneuvers in Belarus, close to the Polish border (“China, Belarus start joint miliary drills near Polish border”, Reuters, July 9, 2024.

From 9 to 11 July 2024, the 75-years NATO Summit took place in Washington D.C. Among the various and momentous conclusions of this international, high level, political and military gathering, it was announced that the organization was creating a cyber-defense centre (Brandi Vincent, “NATO seeks to confront the growing pressure of “hybrid war””, DefenseScoop, 16 July 2024).

Military intelligentization

Meanwhile, the Chinese military is going through its own three-fronts modernization: modernization, informatization, intelligentization (David Kilcullen, The Dragon and the Snakes, How the Rest learned to fight the West, Hurst, 2020 and  Kris Osborn, « China Adds AI to its Wing Loong Fleet of Attack Drones », Warrior Maven – Center for Military Modernization, 13 Décembre 2023). With regard to this last dimension, China is becoming a military drone leader.

Beijing produces them for its military and to create a “Great Wall of drones” (Bradley Bowman, major Jared Thompson and Ryan Brobst, “China’s surprising drones sales in the Middle east”, Defense News, 23 April 2024, Dan Arjin, “Saudi Arabia to purchase attack drones from China”, Israel Defense, 12/02/202 and The Takshashilla Institution and Anushka Saxean, « Drone Deployment and Data Defense », Eye on China, 2 octobre 2023). 

Meanwhile, Chinese companies are selling drones all around the world, especially to U.S ambiguous allies or U.S. adversaries. Among these are Nigeria, General Haftar’s forces in Libya, Saudi Arabia, Serbia… (Guy Martin, “Italy intercepts Chinese UAVs being smuggled to Libya”, Defence Web, 4 July, 2024 and Jean-Michel Valantin, Jean-Michel Valantin, “China, Saudi Arabia and the Arab AI Rise”, The Red Team Analysis Society, January 31, 2023 and  “China, Serbia, AI and the Pincer Movement on Europe”, The Red Team Analysis Society, April 2, 2023).

As it happens, the artificial intelligence (AI) field absorbs the whole drones-robotic field. So, the few U.S. and Chinese examples we have just mentioned are part of the AI militarization dynamic. They are features common to the two great powers.

Reciprocally, it appears that the mounting tensions between the U.S .and China are one of the drivers of the militarisation of AI / intelligentization of the military.

The question therefore arises as to whether the constant strengthening of this technological and strategic trend is leading the United States and China towards direct confrontation.

We also have to ask if and how the militarization of AI would, or will, influence the potentially coming confrontation.

Common ground : intelligentization of the military, preparing for war

In defense of a “good” Skynet

Since 2017, the Pentagon has militarized what Hélène Lavoix defines as “AI power” (“When Artificial Intelligence will Power Geopolitics – Presenting AI”, The Red Team Analysis Society, November 27, 2017). This dynamic follows two tracks. One track is the integration of AI capabilities to weapons systems, to the command and control systems as well as to the “observation / orientation / decision / action” loop (“OODA loop”).

The other track is the building of a mammoth AI infrastructure, called “Joint All-Domain Command and Control” (JADC2) (Sean Carberry, “Special report : Joint All Domain Command and Control”, a journey, not a destination”, National Defense, 07/10/2023). This giant network of AI networks encompasses and integrates the whole of the U.S. military. This means that the Pentagon and the U.S. Army, U.S. Air Force, U.S .Navy and U.S. Space force are part of a single and common architecture (Shelley K. Mesh, “Air Force to host JADC2 industry day with Army, Navy”, Inside Defense, December 21, 2023.

Massive increases of the military budget support this endeavour. For example, the budget of the Department of Defense was of USD 771 billion in 2023, and USD 842 billion in 2024. The Department of Defense (DoD) devotes most of this staggering increase to the integration of innovative technologies, chiefly AI, while facing the costs of supporting Ukraine against Russia. Meanwhile, the Ukraine war becomes a giant laboratory for experimenting military applications of AI (Michael Klare, “Spurring an endless arms race, the Pentagon girds for mid-century wars”, Tomdispatch, April 16, 2023).

The advent of Replicator

It is in this strategic and industrial contact that, on 28 August 2023, Kathleen Hick, assistant-secretary of defense, announced the launch of the “replicator” project. This project aims at offsetting the strategic advantage of the Chinese military “mass” (Deputy Secretary Kathleen Hicks Keynote Adress: “The Urgency to innovate”” US Department of Defense, 28 August, 2023).

To achieve this objective, the project of the assistant-secretary is to mobilize the U.S. production capabilities, in order to produce a “mass” of military drones that will be superior to the whole of the Chinese military. It is important to note that the assistant-secretary was talking on the Island of Guam, which is a major U.S. Navy base in the Pacific. So, the geography of the declaration of assistant-secretary of defense is anchored in a military infrastructure that would, or will be, on the front line of naval operations against China.

The Ukraine Experiment

Since May 2024 the Ukrainian start up Swarmer has developed autonomous combat swarms. As soon as they are produced, the Ukrainian military projects them on the battlefield. However, these new generation of AI piloted drones are also “only” the new batch of robots being sent in the Ukraine cauldron (Max Hunder, “Ukraine rushes to create AI-enabled war drones”, Reuters, 18 July, 2024 and Jean-Michel Valantin, “AI at War (1) – Ukraine”, The Red Team Analysis Society, April 3, 2024). 

Given the importance of the U.S. military and of the GAFAM / “Google /Apple / Facebook /Amazon / Microsoft presence in Ukraine, one can safely hypothesize that the Ukrainian and U.S. military and industries widely share the feedback of this “new way of war” (Vera Bergengruen, “How Tech giants helped turn Ukraine into a giant AI war lab”, Time Magazine, February 8, 2024).

Finally, through different channels, the DoD develops a dense relationship with the Silicon Valley AI giants. As we have seen in AI-at War (1) – Ukraine,   the U.S. military, notably through the national geo-spatial intelligence agency, already works with Oracle, Palantir and Amazon in order to implement Project Maven (Courtney Albon, “Geospatial-intelligence agency making strides on Project Maven AI”, C4ISR, May 22, 2023, Saleha Mohsin,“Inside project Maven, The US military’s AI Project”, Bloomberg, 29 February 2024).

The latter aims at using the imagery capabilities of the drone fleet in order to feed an electronic and interactive global military mapping of the earth. In the same time, Open AI works with the DoD in order to develop a military-only Chat GPT version. This project will help the military to sort through the gigantic and perpetually growing mass of data and information that the DoD collects through its global network of land, air, space and marine sensors (Jon Harper, “Microsoft deploys GPT-4 Large Language Model for Pentagon use in top-secret cloud”, DefenseScoop, 7 May 2024) .

The Rising Confrontation

An intelligentized People’s Liberation Army

In parallel as well as in confronting the US militarization of AI, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army is “intelligentizing” itself on a massive scale. As in the U.S., the different armed branches of the PLA integrate AI power. This process runs through the entire organization of the PLA (Nigel Inkster, The Great decoupling: China, America and the struggle for technological supremacy, Hurst, 2021). As the intelligentization of the Chinese OODA Loop is underway since 2018, other programs are implementing AI in order to pilot strategic weapons systems such as hyper sonic missiles (Jean-Michel Valantin, “Militarizing Artificial Intelligence – China (2)”, The Red Team Analysis Society, May 22, 2018 and Christopher Mc Fadden, «  China uses cheap AI chip to control hypersonic weapons, boosting range », Interesting Engineering, 17 April, 2024).

Towards a Chinese Skynet ?

As it happens, the Chinese military is also developing its own AI architecture that should integrate the whole of its different services. This Multi-domain precision warfare (“MDPW”) could appear as a mirror construct of the US JADC2. However, there is a fundamental offensive component at the core of this Chinese intelligentization concept. As it happens, the MDPW aims at breaking the information flows that link the different U.S. armed branches through the JADC2 architecture (Kris Osborne, “China’s new multi domain precision warfare” operational concept”, RealClear Defense, 26 October, 2023).

Thus, instead of an AI integrated military supported by its own AI force multiplier, the U.S. military would degrade into a myriad of elements that would lose their integrity. Thus, the air, ground, space and maritime forces would once again be on their own. In the same dynamic, they would face an intelligentized, integrated and thus cohesive Chinese People’s Liberation Army (Hélène Lavoix, “Exploring cascading impacts with AI”, The Red Team Analysis Society, May 17, 2023 and “Portal to AI-Understanding AI and Foreseeing the AI powered world”,  “Portal to Quantum Information Science and Technology- Towards a Quantum AI World ?” The Red Team Analysis Society).

Axis of training

Both the U.S. and Chinese AI militarization processes are nothing but a new and profound military revolution. Those new ways and means of battle and war management necessitate intense and constant training in order to achieve the proper integration of deployment and combat AI architectures. However, if the U.S. and Chinese military both share this goal, they have to face very different predicaments.

AI or Cultural (U.S.) Revolution ?

For the U.S. military, the main challenge is the implementation of the AI architecture by each of the armed branch. The AI capabilities of each service needs to be fully integrated to the overall DoD JADC2 architecture. Thus, each armed branch, and each element of them, would become an element of a common military. This may turn the mammoth U.S. military apparatus into a giant, fully coordinated modular weapons system (Michael Klare, “AI versus AI, and human extinction as collateral damage”, Tomdispatch, 11 July, 2023).

The sheer technical complexity of this endeavour is reinforced by the very history of the U.S. military. As it happens, its four components, the U.S. Army, the U.S. Navy, the U.S. Air Force and the U.S. space force (2019), have evolved in largely autonomous ways. Their coordination has always been a major problem for the national U.S. command and control (Alfred W. McCoy, In the Shadows of the American Century, The Rise and Decline of US Global Power, Haymarket Books, 2017).

Revolution is not enough

The Revolution in Military Affairs of the 1990s has been an important medium of inter-services jointness. It was the result of the common integration of space power and of information technologies. However, the four military branches are still largely autonomous kingdoms (Alfred W. McCoy, ibid).

Adding another layer of difficulties, the deployment of AI systems comes as a profound cultural shock. For example, in the U.S. Air Force, simulations of air combats opposing AI pilots and human pilots took place in 2021. After two dozen fictive fights, the AI had reached clear combat dominance ((Kenneth Payne, I, Warbot, the dawn of artificially intelligent conflict, London, Hurst, 2021 and Stephen Losey, « US Air Force stages dog-fights with AI-flown fighter jets », Defense News, 19 avril 2024).

Then, in 2023, training took place at “Top Gun” air school, opposing human pilots to AI piloted aircrafts. The fact that the U.S. Air Force did not disclose the results entails several hypotheses. One of those is that the AI pilots outperformed the human ones. The U.S. Air Force is deeply centred on the pilot community (Losey, ibid). So, those results may trigger a profound technological as well as social revolution.

These U.S. achievements are part of the wide arc of the U.S. military experience with AI and drones. As it happens, the U.S. military capital of war experience is ever growing. It is the consequence of its many involvements in numerous theatres of operations: among others, in Afghanistan, Irak, Syria, Jordan, Yemen, Colombia, the Sahel region… (Roberto J. Gonzalez, War Virtually, the Quest to Automate Conflict, Militarize Data, and Predict the Future, Oakland, University of California Press, 2022).

The PLA’s Race

On the Chinese side, the People’s Liberation Army must overcome its own double challenge. The first challenge is modernization through the triple dynamic of mechanization/ informatization/ intelligentization. This process started at the beginning of the 2010s and necessitates a massive political, scientific, technological, and industrial mobilization. In order to guarantee its sustainability, this modernization dynamic is anchored in the civil-military fusion policy (Nigel Inkster, ibid).

The Central Military Commission of the Chinese Communist Party implements this policy. The latter runs through the military-civil relationship established between the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and civil research-development laboratories and industrial companies (Elsa B. Kania in “The PLA’s trajectory from informatized to “intelligentized” warfare”, The Bridge, June 8, 2017).

This militarization of AI leads us to wonder about the consequences of this process. Indeed, this dynamic affects the tactical and operational levels. But is is also true in terms of strategy, i.e. the level where political, economic and strategic interests intersect. That is why the CCP’s Central Military Commission equips itself with AI, in order to create an information loop with the People’s Liberation Army AI networks (Nigel Inkster, ibid).

Boots on the ground(s) or no boots on the ground(s)

The other challenge met by the intelligentization of the PLA is the lack of warfare experience. The U.S. military has been very active since 1945. There were massive force projections for the Korean war (1950-1952), then for the Vietnam war (1963-1975). Then followed the Gulf War (1990-1991), the Afghan War (2001-2021), the Iraq War (2003-2010). Those latter were part of the “Global War on Terror (2001-2021)”. There were also numerous U.S. deployments in numerous “small wars in faraway places” in Latin America, Asia, the Middle East and Africa…. (Michael Burleigh, Small wars, Faraway places : global insurrection and the making of the Modern World, 1945-1965, and Alfred W. Mc Coy, ibid). 

As it happens, the Chinese PLA did not accumulate such a capital of war experience. Its last two major military involvement were the Korean War and the sorry affair that was the Sino-Vietnamese War of 1979 (David Kilcullen, The Dragons and the Snakes, How the Rest Learned to fight the West, Hurst, 2020).

In order to offset this training disadvantage, the PLA projects drones units on active theatres of operations. For example, in Libya, Chinese drone units support the coalition gathered by general Haftar (Jon Mitchell & Hélène Lavoix, « The Libya Series », The Red Team Analysis Society). Thus, they expand the (AI) fire power of the coalition and inflict significant losses to the Islamist coalition.

Turkey supports the latter through the projection of Daesh mercenaries as well as of Turkish Bayraktar drone units (Alex Gatopoulos, “”Largest drone war in the world”: how air power saved Tripoli”, Al Jazeera, 28 May, 2020, Dale Aruf, « China’s tech outreach in the Middle East and North Africa », The Diplomat, 17 novembre 2022 and « Italia seizes chinese-made military drones destined for Libya », Reuters, July 2, 2024). (As it happens, Ukraine buys the same Turkish drones and uses those against the Russian forces (Agnes Helou, “With Turkish drones in the headlines, what happened to Bayraktar TB2?, Breaking Defense, October 6, 2023 ).

The Great (drones) Flood

As it happens, China sells drones, especially of the CASC “Rainbow” and Wing Loong series, all over the Middle East and the Persian Gulf. That is the case, for example in Iraq, Yemen, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Nigeria (Dale Aruf, ibi and Kris Osborn, ibid). It is also the case in Serbia. So, when those drones are used in combat situation, their performance inform the Chinese political and military authorities about their tactical and strategic usefulness (Jean-Michel Valantin, “China, Serbia, AI and the Pincer movement on Europe”, The Red Team Analysis Society, April 2, 2023). 

One should also highlight that the Chinese drones are largely sold to adversaries of the U.S. Reciprocally, the U.S. current interventions in the Middle East target allies and supporters of China. In other words, it appears that the fast intelligentization of both U.S. and Chinese militaries are driven by as well as driving the rising tensions between the two great powers.

Strategy as a technological driver

Indeed, it appears that AI is militarized along the same principles as former scientific, technological revolutions. It is true for the bow, the saddle with stirrups, wall building, the wheel, wind sailing, cast iron, black powder. After the industrial revolution, it was also true, among others, of the steam engine and of chemistry (John Keegan History of Warfare, 1993).

During the 20th century, there was a massive militarization of  internal combustion engines, electricity, electronic communications, aviation, nuclear power, computers and space travel. This trend is especially true for the first centres of development of those technologies, from which they spread. On a regular basis, scientific and military authorities work together at militarizing new technologies. Indeed, they appear as a technological and strategic high ground (Ian Morris, War, what is it good for ? : Conflict and progress of civilization from primates to robots, Farrar, Strauss and Giroux, 2014).

This advantage, be it tactical or strategic triggers the “paradoxical logic of strategy” (Edward Luttwak, Strategy, the Logic of War and Peace, Harvard Unoversity Press, 2002). As it happens, adversaries of the technological dominant power emulate that very advantage. So, the dissemination of the technological wave and its acquisition by competitors turns them into potential competitors.

Thus, the technological-military advantage tends to weaken through its very development. However, this competitive dissemination is also the driver of technological and military escalation. Indeed, each competitor tries to dominate with the new military use, or threat of use, of the newly militarized technology. In the context of the rising U.S.-China competition, it is this very strategic logic that is a driver of the militarization of AI in both great powers.

Nowadays, this logic of strategic escalation is at work through both the process of the U.S. and of the Chinese militarization of AI. It now remains to be seen if the mix of AI power and of the China-U.S. rivalries emerges in other strategic domains as, for, example, agriculture?

Niger: a New Severe Threat for the Future of France’s Nuclear Energy?

(Art direction and design: Jean-Dominique Lavoix-Carli)

Article updated to include October 2024 and early November 2024 events.

On 19 June 2024, Niger has revoked French nuclear state company Orano’s mining permit for the Imouraren mine. This means that Orano – and thus France – loses 47% of its uranium reserves, when an era of renewal for nuclear energy starts globally and when France plans to add between three pairs of EPR2 reactors, up to 14 and even 20 new EPRs to its current nuclear park (see below). What happened and what is at stake for France?

France still is the second power worldwide in terms of nuclear energy generating capacity (Helene Lavoix, The Future of Uranium Demand – China’s Surge, The Red Team Analysis Society, 22 April 2024). Orano still is the third company globally for the nuclear fuel cycle (Helene Lavoix, Revisiting Uranium Supply Security – 1, The Red Team Analysis Society, 21 May 2024). As a result, France plays a leading role in the current global evolution towards the renewal of nuclear energy (Helene Lavoix, “The Return of Nuclear Energy“, The Red Team Analysis Society, 26 March 2024). Furthermore, nuclear energy is vital for the country, with nuclear power accounting for 62.6% of electricity in 2022 (IAEA-PRIS – 28/04/2024; Helene Lavoix, Revisiting Uranium Supply Security – 1, The Red Team Analysis Society, 21 May 2024).

However, uranium is needed to power nuclear plants. Despite appearances, France was well positioned in terms of uranium supply thanks to Orano’s overseas mining permits (Lavoix, Revisiting Uranium Supply Security – 1). Yet, as a result, French uranium security supply is also more fragile than it would be if uranium mines were located on its territory (Ibid.). Considering the specificity of France’s uranium supply, geopolitics and influence are key to secure that supply, as illustrates the catastrophe Orano now faces in Niger.

First, we address the situation in Niger and explain the threat now materialised surrounding Orano’s mining permit for Imouraren. As Niger’s Imouraren mine represents up to 47% of Orano’s uranium reserves and its loss will likely degrade France’s position globally as well as Orano’s, second, we focus on the stakes for France in terms of uranium supply and and underline the role that geopolitics plays now and in the future for uranium and thus nuclear energy.

Losing Orano’s Imouraren mining project in Niger

France loses its hold in the difficult political and geopolitical Nigerien context

Mining operations in Niger take place in a complex context.

The 26 July 2023 coup in Niger had multiple impacts (e.g. Gilles Yabi, “The Niger Coup’s Outsized Global Impact“, Carnegie Endowment for Peace, 31 July 2023). Notably, it soured greatly diplomatic relations between France and Niger. The French Embassy in Niger was closed on 2 January 2024 (French Ministry of Foreign Affairs). All French troops had to leave the country the end of December 2023, after France was similarly asked to leave Mali then Burkina Faso (France 24, “Last French troops leave Niger, ending decade of Sahel missions“, 22 December 2023).

The eviction of France from Sahel results from difficulties with the peace-keeping and stabilising missions there, then used by Russia against France as a consequence of France’s decision to side with the U.S. in Ukraine (e.g. Aja Melville, “Russia Exploits Western Vacuum in Africa’s Sahel Region,” Defense and Security Monitor, 22 April 2024). Russia retaliated strategically in a flanking manoeuvre, hitting France by further degrading its influence and replacing it in Sahel (e.g. Ibid., Fatou Elise Ba, “L’aide publique et humanitaire de la France n’est plus la bienvenue au Mali“, IRIS, 16 February 2023)

Meanwhile relations between Niger and the EU, the US, and the UN also strongly degraded, including with consequences for migrations towards Europe (Le Monde with AFP, “Niger ends EU security and defense partnerships“, 4 December 2023; Danai Nesta Kupemba , “US troops to leave Niger by mid-September“, BBC News, 18 May 2024; Stateswatch, “EU: Commission halts migration cooperation with Niger, but for how long?“, 07 September 2023; France 24, “Niger’s junta ends security agreements with EU, turns to Russia for defence cooperation“, 4 December 2023).

Thus, Russia’s influence is on the rise, as elsewhere in the region (e.g. Olumba E. Ezenwa and John Sunday Ojo, “Russia has tightened its hold over the Sahel region – and now it’s looking to Africa’s west coast“, The Conversation, 29 April 2024). For example, on 26 March 2024, the Russian President Vladimir Putin and the President of the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland of the Republic of Niger Abdourahamane Tchiani “expressed determination to step up political dialogue and develop mutually beneficial cooperation in various spheres” (Kremlin website). Then, in April 2024 military advisors from the ex-Wagner group renamed African Corps arrived in Niger’s capital Niamey (AFP, “Russian military instructors, air defence system arrive in Niger amid deepening ties“, France 24, 12 April 2024).

Meanwhile, Niger has to face complex jihadist insurgencies (e.g. Natasja Rupesinghe and Mikael Hiberg Naghizadeh, “Les djihadistes du Sahel ne gouvernent pas de la même manière: le contexte est déterminant“, The Conversation, 25 January 2022). Following the coup, it must also grapple with discontent asking for the return of ex-President Bazoum, including armed groups such as the Front patriotique pour la Libération (FPL), led by Mahmoud Sallah (e.g. Interview with Mahmoud Sallah, 21 May 2023; RFI, “Niger: le Front patriotique pour la Libération revendique l’attaque du pipeline,” 18 June 2024). Indeed, on the night of 16 to 17 June 2024, the FPL blew up the pipeline carrying Nigerien crude oil to the port of Cotonou in Benin (RFI, ibid.; FPL Facebook page).

Terminating Orano’s Imouraren operating permit

Despite this hostile context, in February 2024, Orano, through its subsidiary Somair, succeeded in re-starting mining in the region of Air in Niger (e.g. “Orano : arrêtée depuis le coup d’Etat, la production d’uranium redémarre timidement au Niger“, La Tribune, 16 February 2024).

However, on 11 June 2024, for the Imouraren project, “the mine of the future“, Orano, or rather its subsidiary Imouraren SA held at by 36,5 % by Niger, received a second formal notice, after the first issued on 19 March 2024, demanding operations at Imouraren be started in a way satisfying the country (Ahmadou Atafa, “Niger : Imouraren SA sous la menace imminente de perdre son permis minier“, Airinfo, 14 June 2024; MondeAfrique, “Niger, le groupe Orano pourrait perdre sa mine d’uranium“, 14 June 2024; Emiliano Tossou, “Le Niger veut retirer le projet d’uranium Imouraren au français Orano, Ecofin Mines, 18 June 2024). The latest plan for operations had been rejected on 7 June 2024 (Ibid.). Failure to comply would imply the termination on 19 June 2024 of the operating permit of Imouraren SA for the mines of Imouraren (Ibid.).

Yet, on 12 June, Orano had announced it was relaunching operations at Imouraren, but nothing had started on 13 June (Le Monde/AFP, “Au Niger, Orano a lancé les travaux préparatoires pour l’exploitation du gisement d’uranium d’Imouraren“, 12 June 2024; Atafa, “Niger : Imouraren SA…).

Meanwhile, Bloomberg mentioned rumours according to which ongoing negotiations would be taking place between the Russian nuclear company Rosatom and Niger’s military-political authorities to reallocate Orano’s uranium assets to Rosatom (for more on Rosatom, see Revisiting Uranium Supply Security – 1; Bloomberg News, “Russia Is Said to Seek French-Held Uranium Assets in Niger“, via Mining.com, 3 June 2024; Katarina Hoije, “Orano at Risk of Losing Niger Uranium Mine Sought by Russia“, BloombergNews via Mining.com, 15 June 2024).

After a day of silence, on 20 June, Orano issued a press communiqué stating that Nigerien authorities had decided “to withdraw its licence to operate the deposit from its subsidiary Imouraren SA”.

According to the communiqué Orano is ready to continue the discussion as well as to press the matter “before the competent national or international judicial bodies”.

What is at stake for France?

Current supply of uranium is not at stake as production has not yet started at the Imouraren mine.

The concern is for the future and depends on the potential of the mine. Obviously, the larger the uranium mine and the higher its yield, the higher the stakes.

Imouraren and uranium reserves for France

Now, Imouraren, discovered in 1966 by France, is not a small mine nor does it represent small reserves and resources for Orano and thus for France (for explanations on reserves and resources, Lavoix, Revisiting Uranium Supply Security – 1; Nuclear Energy Agency (NEA)/International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Uranium 2022: Resources, Production and Demand (Red Book), OECD Publishing, Paris, 2023, p. 387). Quite the contrary.

Imouraren holds 145.712 tonnes of Uranium in reserves, out of which 95.527 were Orano’s share (2023 Orano Annual report, pp. 35-36). “Production was expected to be 5.000 tU/yr for 35 years” (NEA/IAEA Red Book 2022 p.388). For the sake of comparison, France yearly requirements in 2024 were 8.232 tU (WNA, “World Nuclear Power Reactors & Uranium Requirements“, May 2024). Imouraren could thus have covered alone 60,7% of France 2024 Uranium requirements. Exploiting Imouraren would thus have greatly facilitated projects to increase the number of nuclear reactors in France, as well as ensured trade revenues for Orano, considering other mines. Together, this would have secured Orano and France’s influence in the field.

In terms of reserves, as shown on the series of charts below, the mine of Imouraren in Niger represents 24% of the total uranium reserves and resources in the ground plus inferred resources of Orano, i.e. the largest segment (in tonnes of Uranium, i.e. considering the varying yield of each mine). The share of Imouraren is larger if we only consider total reserves and resources in the ground, i.e. 32 %, and even larger if we only take into account reserves, i.e. 47%.

In other words, the further away we are in time, the more potential uranium supply outside Niger Orano holds. This is a tribute to the company’s exploration and diversification effort. Nonetheless, we should not forget the uncertainty weighing on Orano’s Mongolian supply since February 2024 (Lavoix, “The Return of Nuclear Energy“).

However, as far as medium term uranium supply is concerned, losing the mine of Imouraren creates a security challenge.

A threat on medium term supply considering plans for nuclear energy

Indeed, changes in a mining portfolio introduce an uncertainty for the future that is all the more important that exploration to find mines, then feasibility studies then plans for operation, before mining and milling can start, are of the long period, as shows the figure below.

Currently, in line with the current objectives of renewal of nuclear energy, France plans to construct and connect to the grid between 6, 14 and even 20 new nuclear power plants.

For its part, in 2022, French President Macron finally asserted the key role of nuclear energy (Assemblée nationale, Rapport de la commission d’enquête visant à établir les raisons de la perte de souveraineté et d’indépendance énergétique de la France, 30 mars 2023). In January 2024, 8 more nuclear reactors were announced, on top of the 6 already programmed in 2022, which construction should start in 2028 for a first connection to the grid in 2035 (Euronews, “Macron calls for nuclear ‘renaissance’ to end the France’s reliance on fossil fuels” (sic), 11 Feb 2022; RFI, “France to build more new generation nuclear reactors to reach green targets“, 7 January 2024).

Meanwhile, the rising Rassemblement National, the principal opponent to President Macron’s party for the anticipated June 2024 legislative elections, is a staunch supporter of nuclear energy (programme RN European elections June 2024). For example, during the 2022 presidential and legislative campaigns, it envisioned the launch of 20 European/Evolutionary Pressurised Reactor (EPR) (François Vignal, “Energie : plein pot sur le nucléaire et haro sur les éoliennes pour Marine Le Pen“, Public Sénat, 14 March 2022); Alexandre Rousset, “Présidentielle : Marine Le Pen voit le salut de la France dans l’énergie nucléaire“, Les Echos, 14 March 2022).(1)

Finally, in the 3rd Programmation pluriannuelle de l’énergie (PPE), opened for concertation in November 2024, France plans to launch three pairs of EPR2 reactors with decision to invest to be taken by EDF by 2026 , to which should be added support to the development of Small Modular Reactors (SMR) (SFEN, “PPE 3 et SNBC 3 : neuf orientations pour le nucléaire français“, 4 November 2024). Meanwhile, the lifespan of existing reactors will be extended beyond 50 or even 60 years (Ibid.)

Thus, supplementary uranium requirements will be needed, starting approximately in 2035 (if the time needed to build and connect an EPR is approximately 9 years – see Towards a U.S. Nuclear Renaissance?), for yet unknown quantities. This means that by 2029-2030 latest, corresponding decisions to mine must be taken so that new production can start and be delivered in 2035. If ever EPRs were built faster then supplementary uranium requirements would occur earlier.

If France already has mining sites that are ready or quasi ready for the stage corresponding to the decision to mine, then all is well. Imouraren corresponds to this case. Indeed, Orano planned to start a pilot programme there in 2024, with decision to invest in 2028 “if feasibility is confirmed” (World Nuclear News, “Preparatory activities begin at Imouraren“, 17 June 2024).

If no mining site of this type is available, then Orano must rely on sites that are at the stage of in-depth exploration and studies. Because only four to five years are left until 2029/2030, then that means that in-depth exploration, which may last approximately 10 years, must have already started. However, compared with a site where in-depth exploration has already taken place, in that case, uncertainty is stronger.

Furthermore, mining permits will need to be requested and obtained in four to five years time, which heightens uncertainty stemming from geopolitics.

For example, Orano may very well see in-depth exploration yielding excellent results, but in an area where Russian influence is very strong and could be even stronger in four to five years. In such a case, the current international French position regarding Russia, if it remains as such in the future, strongly lowers the probabilities of Orano obtaining any mining permit.

Alternatively, accounting for strong competition over uranium resources, Orano may also lose mining permits to allies, which will have no qualm about thinking about their national interest first. For example, considering American needs in terms of uranium and the U.S. small size of overseas reserves, as the U.S. ranks globally 10 in terms of reserves and resources, it would not be surprising to see the U.S. using strong if not violent methods to secure uranium in the future (Lavoix, The Future of Uranium Demand and Revisiting Uranium Supply Security – 1). One should remember the American attitude when the stakes were face masks during the COVID 19 pandemic or the way the U.S. stole from France the Australian contract for submarines (e.g. Ouest France “Coronavirus. En Chine, une cargaison de masques destinés à la France détournée par des Américains“, 2 April 2020; Helene Lavoix, “The American National Interest“, 22 June 2022).

Similar geopolitical insecurity weighs on exploration licenses to be obtained, as well as on those already granted, as the loss of Imouraren shows.

The threat in a global perspective

Considering the current and future appetite for uranium, what does mean the loss of Imouraren for France in a global perspective?

Taking into account the international context in the Sahel and more particularly in Niger, in the framework of the war in Ukraine, we make the hypothesis that the Imouraren mine permit will be granted to Russian Uranium One through Rosatom in the same conditions as what existed for Orano (same shares – for Uranium One, see Lavoix Revisiting Uranium Supply Security – 1). This hypothesis is increasingly likely considering the 8 November statements of the Nigerien Mining Minister Ousmane Abarchias, according to which “Niger is actively seeking to attract Russian investment in uranium and other natural resources” (RFI, “Niger embraces Russia for uranium production leaving France out in the cold“, 13 November 2024).

We use as basis the graph we developed previously to revisit the security of uranium supply by integrating overseas efforts by mining companies. The data in the graphs comes from extensive research carried out for The World of Uranium: Mines, States, and Companies – Database and Interactive Graph. The initial graph is presented on the left-hand side. We then show the same graph without Imouraren for France, and without the Madaouela deposit for Canada (Canadian GoviEx Uranium Inc. having lost its mining permit on 4 July 2024). In a third graph on the right-hand side, we attributed as scenario the two deposits to Russia.

Comparing the graphs, France falls from 8th to 11th place, behind China, the U.S. and Brazil, and the EU from 7th to 9th place, whilst Russia takes 3rd place, before Kazakhstan, with a large increase in its overseas reserves and resources. Japan goes from rank 14 to rank 15, as two Japanese companies hold stake in French Orano.

Not only is the security of uranium supply degraded, but France’s weight in the world in terms of uranium supply is lessened. Considering future uranium demand this will have a negative commercial impact while diminishing the global influence of both Orano and France.

Knowing that supplying France nuclear power plants is a very important stake considering the French share of nuclear electricity, and that the global development of nuclear energy, notably stemming from China, will intensify global competition, the loss of Imouraren is very bad news.

The challenges met by Orano to export existing production from the Nigerien Somair (Société des mines de l’Aïr) Mine further darkens prospects and fragilise France’s uranium security (Benjamin Mallet, “Orano : Des provisions liées au Niger plombent les résultats du premier semestre“, Usine Nouvelle, 26 July 2024).

Indeed, as an update (7 November 2024), since the article was initially written, matters got worse between Orano and Niger. Following growing difficulties impacting Somair (63.4% held by Orano), including an inability to export production, and debts of Nigerien Sopamin (holding 36.6% of Somair) owed to Somair, Orano decided “to suspend its [Somair] activities, as an interim measure, as of the end of October” 2024 (News, “Niger: growing financial difficulties will force SOMAÏR to suspend operations“, Orano, 23 October 2024). In response, ignoring its own responsibility and decisions, Niger, through Sopamin attacked Orano’s decision, reportedly having been neither consulted nor informed. Niger offered to buy 210 t uranium out of the 1000 t held by Somair to help the company to continue its activity. Meanwhile, Niger repeatedly accuses France to carry out overt and covert operations against Niger (e.g. La Tribune, La France déstabilise-t-elle le Niger ?, 3 August 2024; Mathieu Olivier, “La DGSE française dans la tourmente après les accusations du Niger“, Jeune Afrique, 6 November 2024).

The tug of war between France, Orano and Niger goes on. As a result, it is now 58% of overseas French reserves of uranium (44 % of reserves and resources) that have disappeared or are disappearing compared with December 2023. Meanwhile, closing Somair means that the 2000 t U a year that were produced will not be anymore, i.e. for France’s share 1268 t U. This represents approximately 15.4% of France’s yearly requirements in uranium.

In the future, it appears as essential that international relations and foreign policy decisions be taken while also considering nuclear and uranium security, including on the longer term. This means that anticipation becomes even more important than what was already highlighted in the 2023 Rapport de la commission d’enquête of the National Assembly.

Meanwhile, the impact of Orano’s operations on domestic politics in country where it operates, as well as on regional and global geopolitics, must also be integrated into assessments, planning and policy. For example, known adverse dynamics such as the “resource curse” should always be assessed and integrated into analysis to make sure the right strategy to secure permits and operations is designed and implemented (e.g. Mähler, Annegret (2010), Nigeria: A Prime Example of the Resource Curse? Revisiting the Oil-Violence Link in the Niger Delta, GIGA Working Papers, No. 120, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg).

Our point is not that Orano causes or has caused such adverse dynamics, but that the possibility it happens should be envisioned and taken into account if the risk exist.

Potentially, policies to avert such negative consequences could also be developed, if adequate. Furthermore, such an approach could also reassure host governments and become an argument for influence.

The resource curse theory suggests that countries rich in natural resources, particularly oil and minerals, often experience slower economic growth, weaker democratic institutions, and greater political instability compared to resource-poor nations. This paradox arises from the disruption of fundamental political, societal and economic dynamics that typically balance governance.

One critical breakdown is in the “taxes-for-security exchange” dynamic. In all countries, ideally, political authorities rely on taxation to finance their activities, creating a direct relationship with citizens: governments provide security, public goods, and services in exchange for tax revenues. This dependence fosters accountability, as citizens demand responsible governance in return for their contributions. When the relationship functions, notably, legitimacy is strengthened. These dynamics appear to be naturally at work in resource-poor nations.

In resource-rich nations, however, governments often finance themselves through resource rents (profits from resource extraction), reducing their reliance on taxation. This weakens the social contract between rulers and the governed: the rulers have no interest in providing security to their citizens as their resources do not come from taxes and, as a result, the ruled live in insecurity and are less empowered to hold political authorities accountable. Political authorities become increasingly illegitimate domestically but remain in power out of the support of those benefiting from the resources, most often external to the polity.

Finally the new insecurity on French uranium supply stemming from the loss of Imouraren in Niger, and the tug of war surrounding Somair, highlights a difficult question: Is it secure for France to have a foreign policy that is not one of independence and non-alignment (e.g. Pascal Boniface, “Why the Legacy of De Gaulle and Mitterand Still Matters for the French Public Opinion“, IRIS, 15 March 2021; The Non-Aligned Movement“, Wikipedia).

France’s national interest, with uranium supply at the top of the agenda considering the importance of nuclear energy for the country and the world, should be sought first, before any other point. This may be what the November 2023 and November 2024 reciprocal state visits between France and Kazakhstan, a major supplier and partner in terms of uranium for France, indicate (Elysée, Visite d’État de son Excellence Kassym-Jomart Tokaïev, Président de la République du Kazakhstan, République Française, 5 November 2024; “Kazakhstan’s Tokayev in France: It’s All About Nuclear Energy“, The Times of Central Asia, 6 November 2024). The price to pay for another type of foreign policy could be very high indeed in terms of influence and power and ultimately in terms of uranium thus energy and finally access to electricity in the country.

Conclusion

The importance of politics and geopolitics for uranium supply is once more demonstrated in Niger.

Despite appearance the development of nuclear energy cannot remain the sole preserve of R&D, engineering and industrial planning. Succeeding in securing uranium supply when this security depends on overseas resources will demand to attribute the highest priority to the understanding of international relations and geopolitics and to the design and implementation of strategy. Influence and power, diplomatic acumen, and skilful, bold and original international actions, will become even more essential as the volatile international context unfolds and as the international impact of the renewal of nuclear energy spreads.


Notes

(1) During the 2022 presidential then legislative elections, at a press conference, Marine Le Pen – ex-president of the party and president of the RN group at the Assemblée nationale – stated that, within the framework of a plan for energy called “plan Marie Curie”, “five pairs of EPR” would be launched for 2031″ and “five pairs of EPR2” for 2036 (François Vignal, “Energie : plein pot sur le nucléaire et haro sur les éoliennes pour Marine Le Pen“, Public Sénat, 14 March 2022); Alexandre Rousset, “Présidentielle : Marine Le Pen voit le salut de la France dans l’énergie nucléaire“, Les Echos, 14 March 2022).

Revisiting Uranium Supply Security (1)

(Art direction and design: Jean-Dominique Lavoix-Carli)

In December 2023, twenty two governments and the nuclear industry decided to treble nuclear energy by 2050. If we are to meet this objective, then the corresponding uranium supply must be adequate.

Globally, there is enough uranium to see the aims met (see Uranium and the Renewal of Nuclear Energy). Now, each country must also have sufficient uranium supply in a timely manner, according to its plans to develop nuclear energy (The Future of Uranium Demand – China’s Surge).

We thus need to assess the present and future supply of each country, in the light of its current and planned future needs, in a political and geopolitical environment which is not anymore peaceful, as has been known since the end of the Cold War, but, on the contrary, increasingly tense and fraught with hostility.

In this article, we focus on assessing the potential supply available per country. First, we present a classical approach which is related to the producer versus consumer countries’ vision. To better understand the tensions that may be generated between countries, we add a third variable to this classical approach indicating the importance of uranium supply for each country.

Second, we explain, that, to understand what may happen in terms of supply of uranium, notably as far as politics and geopolitics are concerned, we need to consider the actors involved in uranium supply, i.e. not only countries but also and foremost uranium mining companies. We thus present the mining actors.

Finally, building upon the two first parts, we obtain a revisited outlook for uranium reserves and resources per country, including also uranium overseas holdings. This perspective offers a better comprehension of uranium supply security. It allows for better strategy and planning, including in terms of foreign relations, influence and future feedback impacts on domestic politics. Those should be of concern to all actors involved in the nuclear industry field.

A classical vision of uranium supply

When assessing the security of supply of uranium for a country, as resulting from the classical producers versus consumers model, we look at reserves and resources of uranium per country. Those are estimated according to the quantity of uranium in the mines that can be recovered in line with the price of uranium, and to the precision and certainty of knowledge one has about the deposit of uranium (e.g. Nuclear Energy Agency (NEA)/International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Uranium 2022: Resources, Production and Demand (Red Book), OECD Publishing, Paris, 2023; for the producer versus consumer model, see, for example, pp. 99-136).

Using the official international reference for uranium production, Uranium 2022: Resources, Production and Demand (Red Book) by the NEA/IAEA, this gives us, for the resources which are most certain, those called “Reasonably Assured Resources (RAR)” (see glossary below), at the highest price range, the following chart:

Then, those resources are then compared with countries’ yearly uranium requirements. As a result, some states are perceived as current and future importers, while others are exporters.

For example, Australia does not use nuclear energy, indeed the latter is legally prohibited despite regular debates on the issue (Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation – CSIRO, “The question of nuclear in Australia’s energy sector“, 20 Dec 2023). Yet, the country produces uranium and has huge reserves, the first in the world. Hence, Australia was the second largest world exporter in 2020 and the fourth in 2021 and 2022 (2022 Red Book, pp. 77; WNA, “World Uranium Mining Production“, 16 May 2024). It is also very likely it will be a future very large net exporter, possibly the largest.

At the other end of the spectrum, France does not have any resources of uranium left on its territory. Yet, it is part of the major nuclear energy producers, indeed it is currently the 2nd in the world. In the future, according to our base case scenario it should move to the 3rd then 4th place (see Helene Lavoix, The Future of Uranium Demand – China’s Surge, The Red Team Analysis Society, 22 April 2024). As a result, currently, producing nuclear energy in France would require an estimated 8232 tU per year (WNA, Nuclear Fuel Report 2023, September 2023). In the classical view, France is thus a current and future net consumer of uranium. The only way forward to improve the situation would be technical, for example with fuel recycling.

If we are concerned about security, then we can improve this approach by looking at the importance of nuclear energy for a country. The most interesting indicator here is the share of nuclear energy in the electricity production of a country. Indeed, for example, if nuclear energy represents 1% of the electricity production of a country, then not much is at stake here. The higher the nuclear share of electricity generation, the higher the stake for all issues related to nuclear energy. For 2022, the shares of nuclear energy in electricity generation for the world are shown in the chart below (source IAEA-PRIS – 28/04/2024).

Thus, in 2022, France, had the world highest nuclear share of electricity generation, i.e. 62,6% (IAEA-PRIS – 28/04/2024), while being, according to classical analysis, a net current and future consumer of uranium. Uranium and more largely the whole nuclear industry will thus be highly sensitive issues in terms of security.

If we apply this approach to the world countries, we have the following two charts. The first uses a linear scale for the axes, and the second a logarithmic scale:

The first chart highlights varying situations. The U.S. is the largest consumer with little reserves but a relatively high stake in nuclear energy, compared with China, which is in a similar situation but with a lower current stake in nuclear energy. This means that China’s position is stronger. Russia, the EU without France, France and Korea constitute a second group, with Russia and the EU without France far better positioned in terms of reserves. Canada has a balanced and secure position, and Australia is possibly unconcerned despite its huge reserves.

Interestingly, three groups of countries clearly appear when we use a logarithmic scale. First, we have consumer countries for which nuclear energy represents a high or relatively high stake at the bottom of the chart. Then we have supplier countries for which nuclear energy is not a stake – of course not considering the importance of uranium in terms of trade – at the top left corner of the chart. Finally, we have countries for which nuclear energy is a stake but with a relatively secure position in the top right quarter of the chart.

We note that the EU without France appears to have a better and more secure position than France, and is on a par with Russia. If Russia’s reserves are higher, nuclear energy is also more important for Russia.

However interesting, it would be misleading to stop here. Indeed, such a classical approach does not account for the way uranium is supplied. It does not consider the actors involved in mining.(1)

The unique world of those who mine uranium

Uranium is supplied to the world through mining and milling, which is done by companies. A few major mining companies dominate the world, alongside large entities part of very large nuclear groups and, finally, smaller mining companies.

These companies are either state-owned or private. Most often they will work through the creation of joint-ventures with other companies, one of them bringing in the mines, which belongs to the territory of its state, the other its know-how and technology in terms of exploration, mining, milling and sometimes also other steps of the fuel cycle (see H Lavoix, “Uranium and the Renewal of Nuclear Energy“, The Red Team Analysis Society, 9 April 2024).

As a result, mining companies own mines or part of them for the duration of the corresponding mining permit, and thus the uranium reserves and resources corresponding to these mines.

If we look at the consequences for a country, we can consider that the supply of uranium, including reserves, may be territorial or extraterritorial. It is territorial if the mines are located on its own territory. This is the classical and obvious understanding. However, it can also be extraterritorial if a company of the nationality of the country owns mining permits outside the country. The stronger the power of the said country over the company, the stronger the fact that uranium may be considered as a captive extraterritorial resource, by opposition to a resource available to all through market dynamics.

Three types of uranium mining companies

We have three types of mining companies.

First, we have very large ones, with western-style corporate structure.

Then, we have “smaller” mining companies compared with the previous type, but which are part of very large nuclear conglomerates, reminding somehow of the old Kombinat (Комбинат) model. Furthermore, the new Kombinats also include the use of financial incentives and cooperation packages in their operations. This is more or less the format for Russia and China.

On another note, the French company Orano is a state-owned company with many activities related to the whole nuclear fuel cycle, and with privileged links with other state-owned companies such as EDF (electricity provider) and Framatome (design and provision of equipment, services and fuel for nuclear power plants – 80,5% belongs to EDF), to say nothing of the Commissariat à l’énergie atomique et aux énergies alternatives (CEA) (French state-owned organisation for research and innovation notably in energy). Thus it could be perceived as a middle way between or a synthesis of a Western corporation and a Kombinat. The recent purchase of shares of Westinghouse by Cameco (see below) highlights the interest of and in this approach.

Together, the companies belonging to these two categories – the western-style corporate structure and the Kombinat – are the major corporate actors for uranium mining. In the world, we only have seven of those.

Finally, we have much smaller companies, usually labelled as “junior mining companies”, often centred around a mine or project. Junior companies can also be held by bigger corporations, which, potentially could give them the power to develop. They may also become stakes in friendly or hostile takeovers.

It is difficult to rank mining companies as they have different activities and publish different data. Nonetheless, if we take uranium mining revenue for 2023 as main indicator, then the largest uranium mining company is Kazakh Kazatomprom, followed by Canadian Cameco then French Orano.

The revenues related to uranium mining from Russia or from China appear as being far smaller, yet important. However, where figures are available, they are probably not comparable. Then, we mention Uzbekistan although there is no specific data for uranium mining revenues.

If we look at uranium production per company and country in 2022 (see WNA, “World Uranium Mining Production“, 16 May 2024), we have the same ranking for the three largest mining companies, followed by China’s CGN – 4th – and CNNC – 7th, by Russia’s Uranium One – 5th – and ARMZ – 9th, by Uzbek Navoi – 6th, Australian BHP – 8th, and American General Atomics/Quasar – 10th. Quasar’s production represents 15% of Kazatomprom’s.

The largest uranium mining companies, “Western-style”

Kazatomprom (Kazakhstan)

National Atomic Company (NAC) Kazatomprom, created in 1997, is the national company of Kazakhstan, responsible for everything related to the nuclear industry, as well as rare metals. In 2018, a strategy of privatisation of NAC Kazatomprom was launched. In 2024, Kazakhstan’s National Wealth Fund, Samruk-Kazyna holds 75% of Kazatomprom, the remaining shares being traded on the London Stock Exchange and the Astana International Stock Exchange. Kazatomprom covers the whole nuclear fuel cycle through joint ventures with other companies.

In 2022, uranium mining represented 85% of the revenues of the company and in 2023 82% (2023 annual report p.47). Kazatomprom, in 2022, represented 22% of the mining market, with 11.373t U3O8 produced and, in 2023, 20% of the mining market with 11.169t U3O8 produced (Ibid. pp. 7-10). Its 2022 revenues amounted to KZT (Kazakhstani Tenge) 1.001.171 million ( USD 2.248,16 million ; EUR 2.109,35 million) and in 2023 KZT 1.434.635 million (USD 3.233,24 million ; EUR 3.001,77 million)(Ibid.).

Cameco (Canada / Saskatchewan)

Cameco is a privately-owned Canadian company. More exactly, it is a “privately-owned” company from Saskatchewan, with land-holdings and exploration permits located in majority in Northern Saskatchewan for their Canadian part. When Cameco was created in 1988, a special type of shares, “share B” were issued, “assigned $1 of share capital, [which] entitles the shareholder to vote separately as a class in respect of any proposal to locate the head office of Cameco to a place not in the province of Saskatchewan” (p. 147). This shows the very strong link between Cameco and the province of Saskatchewan, even though it is indeed privately-owned.

Furthermore, Crown Investments Corporation is the holding company used by the Government of Saskatchewan to manage its financial and commercial Crown Corporations as well as its minority holdings in private-sector ventures. Crown Investments Corporation holds 0,15% of the capital of Cameco. Meanwhile, Cameco’s President and Chief Executive Officer, Tim S. Gitzel, comes from the university of Saskatchewan (and has also held direction positions with Orano).

Cameco’s activity covers the entire front-end of the nuclear fuel cycle, from exploration, mining and milling to fuel manufacturing through conversion and is part to the development of laser enrichment (not yet commercialised).

Its clients are nuclear utilities in 15 countries. Cameco represents 16% of the world production of uranium (total sales commitments of over 205 million pounds of U3O8) and has 21% of the world primary conversion facilities (total sales commitments to supply over 75 million kilograms of UF6). Furthermore, in November 2023, it completed the acquisition of 49% of Westinghouse. Its 2023 turnover (revenues in Canadian terms) was CAN$ 2.588 million (approx. US$ 1.887 million ; € 1.770 million), the produce of mining and milling representing 84,5% of their expected revenue for 2024 (Cameco 2023 Annual Report).

Orano (France)

Orano is a French state-owned company, created in 2017 out of the restructuration of defunct Areva, the latter resulting from the 2001 merger of Framatome, Cogema and Technicatome, all in turn stemming from French choices in terms of nuclear energy after World War II. Orano is active at all stages of the nuclear fuel cycle – front end, including enrichment, and back-end operations such as reprocessing and recycling as well as mines decommissioning – and in nuclear materials transport and logistics. The French state holds 90% of Orano, alongside Japan Nuclear Fuel Limited and and Mitsubishi Heavy Industries which holds 5% each (2023 Annual report, p.246).

Orano’s 2023 turnover (revenues) was EUR 4.775 million (USD 5.088 million). The mining sector represented 27,62% of the turnover (EUR 1.319 million; USD 1.405,55 million).

Navoi Mining and Metallurgical Company (Uzbekistan)

Navoi Mining and Metallurgical Company is the state company of Uzbekistan handling all mining and metallurgical matters. It focuses especially on gold but expressed a willingness to increasingly develop uranium mining (website).

It was incorporated as a joint stock venture in 2021, as part of an effort to reform the state enterprise.

For the year 2022, its revenue (all activities) were USD 5.095 million.

The Kombinats

Uranium One (Russia)

In 2007, Rosatom, the Russian State Atomic Energy Corporation, was reorganised as a state corporation (K. Szulecki, I. “Overland, I. “Russian nuclear energy diplomacy and its implications for energy security in the context of the war in Ukraine“, Nat Energy 8, 413–421; 2023; Nikita Minin, Tomáš Vlček, “Determinants and considerations of Rosatom’s external strategy“, Energy Strategy Reviews, Vol. 17, 2017, pp. 37-44). It not only provides for all stages of the nuclear fuel cycle, but also builds and exports nuclear reactors, while offering financing packages (Ibid.).

Rosatom revenues reached USD 27.300 million in 2023 (Tass).

Rosatom holds 100% of the voting shares of Joint-Stock Company Atomic Energy Power Corporation (JSC Atomenergoprom). JSC Atomenergoprom holds shares in 222 companies. It covers the whole cycle of nuclear production from mining up to electricity generation. According to its financial statements, in 2022, it ranked second in terms or uranium production with 14% of the market. In 2022, its total revenue reached RUB 1396,5 bn (“equivalent to” USD 19979,77 million at average exchange rate for 2022 1 USD = 69.8957 RUB), and the mining revenue, including but not limited to uranium, was RUB 24,7 bn (“equivalent to” USD 353,38 million at average exchange rate for 2022), out of which RUB 8,9 bn (“equivalent to” USD 127,33 million) were sold to “external customers (p. 59 and 17).

Its main mining companies are JSC AtomRedMetZoloto (ARMZ), directly held at 84,52%(the remaining shares belonging to Rosatom and TVEL JSC) and Uranium One Group. ARMZ represents mainly the domestic mining “division” and all Russian uranium producers are part of ARMZ (Interfax, “Rosatom plans to start commercial mining of uranium in Tanzania in several years“, 22 Nov 2022). In 2022, the revenues of ARMZ labelled as “the mining division of Rosatom” reached RUB 24,7 bn (“equivalent to” USD 353,38 million at average exchange rate for 2022 1 USD = 69.8957 RUB). Uranium One Group is “responsible for … uranium production outside the Russian Federation and is the world’s fourth-largest uranium producer” (Website). Uranium One Inc, originally Canadian, is an indirect subsidiary through Uranium One Group. In 2019 (latest financial statements available), Uranium One Inc. revenues were USD 394 million. So far, it operates mainly in Kazakhstan.

ARMZ has also handled overseas mining. In 2011, in Tanzania, ARMZ Uranium Holding Co acquired the Mkuju River deposit through the take over of Mantra Resources. The asset was then transferred to Uranium One Inc (Interfax, “Rosatom plans to start commercial mining of uranium in Tanzania in several years“, 22 Nov 2022). 

CNNC, CGN and their satellites (China)

Two major companies operate for China and are both state-owned.

China National Nuclear Corporation (CNNC) oversees all Chinese civilian and military nuclear programs. CNNC is a participant in the Belt and Road Initiative and develops cooperation in this framework (CNNC, “CNNC contributes to the Belt and Road Initiative“).

It is the only company supplying domestic uranium (WNA, “China’s Nuclear Fuel Cycle“, 25 April 2024). It operates the mines in China through its subsidiary China Uranium Corporation Limited (CUC or CNUC, also Sino-U), which is also responsible to develop projects overseas (Ibid., CNNC Int Ltd “Corporate Information“).

CUC notably holds as wholly-owned subsidiary CNNC Overseas Uranium Holding Limited (“CNNC Overseas”), which in turn holds 66,72% of CNNC Int Ltd (Ibid.). The latter owns as an indirect wholly-owned subsidiary formerly Canadian Western Prospector Group Ltd. Western Prospector’s projects (uranium and coal) are located in Mongolia (Ibid.). CNNC Overseas transferred to CNNC Ltd notably the mines of Somina (Azelik Mines) in Niger. CNNC LtD is exchanged on the Hong Kong Stock exchange (Ibid). CNNC Int Ltd also acts as a trader in Uranium including for CNUC.(2) In 2022 CNNC Int Ltd revenues reached HK$ 567, 9 million (USD 72,61 million)

CUC/CNUC holds various mines and has different projects overseas through joint ventures or directly, notably Rössing in Namibia (Rossing Uranium CNUC Hand-over information 25 July 2019).

China General Nuclear Power Corporation (CGN) under the direction of State-Owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission (SASAC) of the State Council of China owns China General Nuclear Power Co (CGNP). The latter is the Chinese platform for nuclear power generation. It owns CGN Mining Co Ltd (CGNM), which acquired CGN Global Uranium Ltd (CGNGU) in 2019 and also holds 100 % of CGNM UK Ltd. CGNGU trades CGN’s uranium resources on the international market. CGNM UK Ltd through a joint venture with Kazatomprom set the Mining Company Ortalyk LLP, founded in 2011, which holds the permits and exploits mines at the Central Mynkuduk and Zhalpak fields in Kazakhstan.

For 2022, the Group China General Nuclear Power Co recorded revenue of approximately RMB 82.822 million (USD 11.431 million). In December 2023, CGN Mining Co Ltd revenue was HKD 2.210 million (USD 282 million, Euro 263 million).

Besides holding and exploiting mines, China also complements its supply through purchases of uranium. For example, “in May 2014 China’s CGN agreed to buy $800 million of uranium through to 2021” to Uzbekistan (WNA, “Uranium in Uzbekistan,” 2 April 2024). Reportedly according to Chinese customs, Uzbekistan was “second only to Kazakhstan as a uranium supplier to the country” (Ibid.). In 2018, Orano was also an important supplier of natural uranium for the CGNP (Orano China website).

We should also mention a company such as Beijing Zhongxing Joy Investment Co., Ltd (ZXXJOY invest), located in Beijing, which is specialised on international mining projects including uranium mining but not solely focused on that mineral. ZXJOY invest is linked to ZTE, a partially state-owned telecommunication company (Management of ZXJOY invest; Raphaël Rossignol, “Uranium Nigerien, Le Coup De Maître De La Russie“, Forbes, March 2024). It notably participates in uranium mining projects in Niger (mine of Arlit – see below, third part) and Zimbabwe.

A new Klondike rush? Other uranium companies and projects and Junior companies

The U.S. does not have any major mining uranium company and appears to be, so far, little involved with operating mines abroad (EIA, Uranium Marketing Annual Report, 2023; WNA, “US Uranium Mining and Exploration“, Nov 2021; Nuclear Energy Agency (NEA)/International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Uranium 2022: Resources, Production and Demand (Red Book), OECD Publishing, Paris, 2023). By 2023, the major exception is private company Quasar Resources (Australia – Four Mile Uranium Mine) belonging to Heathgate Resources Pty Ltd, a uranium mining Australian company (Beverley Mine), which is actually held by General Atomics, a privately-held very large American energy and defense corporation. In 2023, GA ranked 197 in Forbes’America’s Largest Private Companies (2023) with a revenue of USD 3.1 bn.

Australian companies are smaller and operate mainly in Australia or in Namibia. We have notably BHP Group Limited, a multinational mining and metals company exploiting, among other, uranium as a by-product of copper in Australia.

Paladin Energy is an Australian company in the process of restarting the Langer Heinrich mine in Namibia. The latter should start production during the first quarter 2024. Paladin Energy had no revenue in 2022 and 2023 (see 2023 financial statements p.71). Australian Bannerman Energy develops the Etango Project in Namibia, and, as a result, does not earn any significant revenue besides interests (2023 financial statements).

We also find two smaller Canadian companies, Global Atomic Corporation – Canada (GAC) and GoviEx, active in Niger. In 2023, GAC had a revenue of CAN $ 0,689 million (USD 0,5 million) and GoviEx had not yet engaged in commercial production, being still focused on exploration and projects’ developments (financial statements for 2022, p.13 ).

Many more companies will most probably emerge with time and discoveries. For example, on 9 November 2023, Canadian company NexGen Energy Ltd received ministerial approval under the Environmental Assessment Act of Saskatchewan for the Rook I Project. According to the company, the mine could “represent over 23 per cent of the world’s uranium production in the first few years of production” (Pratyush Dayal, “Sask. government approval brings new biggest uranium project in Canada closer to reality,” CBC News, 28 Nov 2023).

Companies seem to be perceived as junior when they are at the stage of uranium exploration and are smaller.

A new outlook for uranium potential supply

As a result, if we want to assess the supply situation for a country, we need not only to look at countries but also at national and foreign companies that hold reserves and resources, according to their joint ventures and mining permits, on a territory.

If we consider uranium resources according to reserves’ and resources’ holders, national or foreign, we obtain a vision of uranium resources per country, as shown in the charts below, which is different compared with the classical outlook we saw previously.

Methodology, sources and discrepancies

The overall uranium reserves and resources for a country will be composed of:

  • the reserves and resources on the country’s territory held
    • either by the state or national companies,
    • or by foreign companies. This share of reserves and resources actually cannot be used by the state except if contracts are terminated in one way or another.
  • the reserves and resources held by national companies abroad. In that case, the status and links of the national company operating abroad to the state will strengthen the capacity of the state to use the reserves held abroad and thus the security of supply. However, this type of supply is obviously less secure as those held by a state on its own territory, because contracts can be broken, expropriation can take place, etc. Nonetheless, they are reserves and resources available for supply.

For Kazatomprom, Cameco and Orano, as well as for corresponding countries where they operate, we used proven and probable reserves and measured and indicated resources (see glossary), then inferred resources as given in their respective 2023 annual reports.

However, we should note that the treatment of ore reserves and resources vary according to auditing companies. For example, when CRIRSCO (see Glossary) specifies that ore reserves should not be included in resources, a company such as SRK consulting, auditing mines for Kazatomprom, on the contrary highlights that “SRK’s audited Mineral Resource statements are reported inclusive of those Mineral Resources converted to Ore Reserves. The audited Ore Reserve is therefore a subset of the Mineral Resource and should not therefore be considered as additional to this” (SRK Consulting (UK) Limited, 2020 auditing report, p.23). On the contrary, Cameco follows CRIRSCO guidelines and reserves are reported besides resources (2023 Annual report, p. 104). Orano, for its part, only mentions its follows CRIRSCO in terms of reporting, thus logically excluding reserves from resources (2023 Annual report, p.34).

Furthermore the way future uranium prices are assessed strongly influences reserves and resources estimates, to say nothing of anticipating future exchange rates. For example, SRK Consulting for Kazatomprom estimates future yearly prices with precision for its assessment of reserves and resources. For its part, the NEA/IAEA presents resources according to price range.

Hence we have discrepancies stemming from multiple factors when seeking to assess the future of supply per country.

We exemplify this difference in the chart below comparing data provided by Kazatomprom and SRK Consulting (UK) Limited, for reserves and resources at the end of 2020 (pp. 23, 24, 29), and data from the NEA/IAEA 2022 Red Book, which correspond to the same period.

The differences between the Kazakh estimates and the international agencies’ assessment are wide and vary from minus 19.800 tU when comparing Kazatomprom 2020 to NEA/IAEA Recoverable resources <USD 80/kgU (less Uranium for the NEA/IAEA), to 239.000 tU, when comparing Kazatomprom 2020 to NEA/IAEA in situ(3) resources <USD 260/kgU (less uranium for Kazatomprom).

In the worst case, the difference corresponds approximately to 13 years of 2024 estimated uranium requirements for the U.S., 18 years for China, and 29 years for France (see, for the yearly estimates, Helene Lavoix, “The Future of Uranium Demand – China’s Surge“, The Red Team Analysis Society, 22 April 2024).

Considering the complexity of the methodologies at work to estimate each type of reserves and resources, and differing types of reporting, it is impossible to reconcile easily et perfectly all statistics.(4)

Glossary

The classification of uranium resources varies according to actors.

For the NEA/IAEA:

“Conventional resources, as well as unconventional resources when sufficient data are available, are further divided according to different confidence levels of occurrence into four categories:

  1. Reasonably assured resources (RAR)
  2. Inferred resources (IR)
  3. Prognosticated resources (PR)
  4. Speculative resources (SR)”

The correspondance between systems varying according to countries is as follows, according to the NEA/IAEA, “Figure A3.1. Approximate correlation of terms used in major resources classification systems”, Uranium 2022: Resources, Production and Demand, OECD 2023.

Identified resourcesUndiscovered resources
NEA/IAEAReasonably assuredInferredPrognosticatedSpeculative
AustraliaMeasuredIndicatedInferredUndiscovered
Canada (NRCan)MeasuredIndicatedInferredPrognosticatedSpeculative
United States (DOE, USGS)Reasonably assuredInferredUndiscovered
Russia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, UzbekistanA+B+C1C2C2+P1P1P2 / P3
NEA/IAEA, Uranium 2022: Resources, Production and Demand, OECD 2023, pp. 537-538

For companies, such as Kazatomprom, Cameco and Orano, for example, the Committee for Mineral Reserves International Reporting Standards (CRIRSCO) establishes out of worldwide best practices and recommends the reporting international standard for estimates of mineral resources and calculations of mining reserves. Reserves and resources are explained in detail in the International Reporting Template (latest edition 2019):

  • Reserves: “A Mineral Reserve is the economically mineable part of a Measured and/or Indicated Mineral Resource…. Studies to Pre-Feasibility or Feasibility level, as appropriate, will have been carried out prior to determination of the Mineral Reserves.” (p. 25).
    • Probable reserves: “A Probable Mineral Reserve is the economically mineable part of an Indicated, and in some circumstances, a Measured Mineral Resource. The confidence in the Modifying Factors applying to a Probable Mineral Reserve is lower than that applying to a Proved Mineral Reserve.” (p. 26).
    • Proved reserves: “A Proved Mineral Reserve is the economically mineable part of a Measured Mineral Resource. A Proved Mineral Reserve implies a high degree of confidence in the Modifying Factors.” (p. 26).
  • Resources (not aggregated with reserves): “A Mineral Resource is a concentration or occurrence of solid material of economic interest in or on the Earth’s crust in such form, grade or quality and quantity that there are reasonable prospects for eventual economic extraction.
    The location, quantity, grade or quality, continuity and other geological characteristics of a Mineral Resource are known, estimated or interpreted from specific geological evidence and knowledge, including sampling.
    Mineral Resources are subdivided, in order of increasing geological confidence into Inferred, Indicated and Measured categories.” (p. 19).
    • Measured resources: “quantity, grade or quality, densities, shape, and physical characteristics are estimated with confidence sufficient to allow the application of Modifying Factors to support detailed mine planning and final evaluation of the economic viability of the deposit…” (p. 21).
    • Indicated resources: “quantity, grade or quality, densities, shape and physical characteristics are estimated with sufficient confidence to allow the application of Modifying Factors in sufficient detail to support mine planning and evaluation of the economic viability of the deposit…” (p. 21).
    • Inferred resources: “quantity and grade or quality are estimated on the basis of limited geological evidence and sampling…” (p. 20).
CRIRSCO, International Reporting Template (latest edition 2019)

As a result, in the chart below, when available, we used corporate data as provided in the latest available comprehensive public report at the time of writing – most of the time yearly statements for 2023. When no other source was available, we used RAR, as given in the 2022 Red Book and by the WNA. We built the Reserves and Measured & Indicated Resources (R&R) per country from the bottom up, starting from mines and companies, as researched for our The World of Uranium: Mines, States, and Companies – Database and Interactive Graph.

A different outlook for uranium supply

In the chart below we look at reserves and resources according to their holders. The chart shows the reserves and measured and indicated resources (R&R) as they were before June and July developments in Niger (see Niger: a New Severe Threat for the Future of France’s Nuclear Energy?).

If we look at availability of supply through this prism, then the ranking changes for many countries, compared with the classical approach to reserves and resources.

Australia still comes first. The reserves and resources Australian companies hold abroad more than compensate for those foreigners hold on its territory. However, the very high level of Australian R&R should be considered with caution. Indeed, one single mine (the Olympic Dam mine), belonging to BHP group, holds 1.970.000 tU of R&R according to the company (uranium is produced as a byproduct of copper, the exact R&R are 1280600 in OC Sulphide and 689400 in UG Sulphide, BHP Group annual report 2023). This represents 86% of the known uranium R&R for geographical Australia. Furthermore at least one other large Australian deposit is currently unavailable (see forthcoming report). Hence the rich reserves and resources of Australian uranium could be partly a mirage.

Australia is followed by Canada with its active foreign operations, then by Kazakhstan, and its joint-ventures policy.

Canada, considering the extensive experience of Canadian mining companies on the one hand and of dealing with foreign companies mining in Canada could be in a far better position than Australia for the future. This may progressively change if Australia decided to change its nuclear policy, the debate on the matter being re-opened as elections loom (John Boyd, “Australia Debates Going Nuclear : A politician’s vow to build seven nuclear plants prompts fierce dispute“, 3 July 2024, IEEE Spectrum)

As a result, in geopolitical terms, uranium reserves and resources would be far less equally shared throughout the world than thought. For example, if the uranium-poor U.S. (see below) were thinking about relying on its close allies Australia and Canada for uranium supply, it could find that supply is far less readily available than hoped. It may take time to bring Australia resources to become exploitable. Meanwhile, Canadian influence in the world would also have the potential to be greatly enhanced, with consequences on Northern America.

Kazhakstan ranks third in terms of reserves and resources, while also being one of the main world producer. However, as Meirzhan Yusupov, Chairman of the Board at Kazatomprom, highlighted during an interview with the Financial Times (FT) the logistical problems stemming from the war in Ukraine and the closing of routes through Russia could favour Eastern markets (e.g. “Kazatomprom: Kazakhstan faces uranium supply constraints to West amid Ukrainian conflict“, 11/09/2024, Daryo). As a result, Kazhakstan’s position as a global supplier would be fragilised. Reciprocally, should transportation problems last, the supply of Western Uranium buyers could become complex. Similarly, those overseas reserves located East from Russia could become less readily available.

Without taking into account inferred resources, we then have Russia, with close to 40% of its reserves and resources coming from overseas mining. Unfortunately, the annual reports of the Russian mining divisions and holdings do not provide precise estimates for domestic reserves and resources. The resources used are those provided by international bodies. It seems, nonetheless, that Russia is well endowed with domestic uranium, which strengthens its security.

We may expect, considering the ever heightening international tension, as well as the May 2024 American sanctions banning imports of Russian uranium products, that Russia may increase its operations abroad, would it be only to deny or complicate uranium supply to the U.S. and its allies (“Congress Passes Legislation to Ban Imports of Russian Uranium“, Morgan Lewis, 13 May 2024). Russia could also seek to act on uranium long-term prices, making sure they are at a level that benefits Russia and its allies, while disrupting others’ strategies. The strong statements Russian and Chinese Presidents issued during the mid-May 2024 state visit of Russian President Putin in China, specifically mentioning energy cooperation, that “extends beyond hydrocarbons to encompass the peaceful use of nuclear energy” are another important signal enhancing the probability to see geopolitical tensions impacting and even shaping uranium mining (Website of the President of Russia, “Media statement following Russia-China talks“, 16 May 2024; Bernard Orr, Guy Faulconbridge and Andrew Osborn, “Putin and Xi pledge a new era and condemn the United States“, Reuters, 17 May 2024). Further research and analysis, as well as scenarios are more than warranted.

China then ranks 5, without inferred resources. Considering the planned development of its nuclear energy production over the next decades and the related considerable increase in its yearly uranium requirements, will these resources be enough in terms of supply (see The Future of Uranium Demand – China’s Surge)? China has been active in developing overseas mining as seen, and we can expect it will further strengthen these efforts. What will be the consequences globally? China also has a policy to purchase uranium through long term contracts. Thus, will these purchases, alongside development of overseas mining, be able to continue and increase without denying supplies to other countries? Here again, further research and keeping the issue closely under watch is warranted.

We then have Niger. Mines in Niger have been mainly developed by France, Canada, and China. As a further sign of the importance of strengthening uranium supply, on 13 May 2024, Niger’s government announced the decision to reopen the mine of Azelik held by the joint venture Somina, itself owned at 37.2% by CNUC (China) and at 24.8% by ZXJOY invest (China) and closed since 2014 (e.g. Le Monde, “Au Niger, une entreprise chinoise va reprendre l’extraction d’uranium après dix ans d’interruption“, 14 May 2024). Beforehand, on 10 May 2024, ZXJOY invest had met with Niger Ambassador highlighting “future opportunities for investors between China and Niger” (ZXJOY CEO Met with Niger Ambassador, website). That decision had been prepared in June 2023 through an agreement between CNUC and Niger’s government planning for the reopening of the mine (Ibid.).

Furthermore, as events and developments in 2024 show, Niger is part of powerful political and geopolitical forces, which interact with the politics and geopolitics of uranium supply (see Niger: a New Severe Threat for the Future of France’s Nuclear Energy?). The coup in Niger has upset the previous state of play, as seen in the Nigerien decision to end military cooperation with the U.S. following American reaction to Nigerien desire to sell uranium to Iran (Le Monde, “Au Niger, la question de l’uranium à l’origine de la discorde avec les Etats-Unis, selon le premier ministre“, 14 May 2024). Thus, considering reserves and resources there will imperatively demand to count with those forces and act accordingly.

The EU then ranks seven, thanks to France and Orano’s mining expertise and portfolio overseas.

France, for its part ranks 8th and the EU without France 16th. France’s position, compared with the classical vision of reserves and resources is thus considerably changed, moving from an apparent absence in the world of suppliers to a rather strong place, even though overseas reserves and resources are less secure than those held on one’s territory, as the situation in Niger shows (Niger: a New Severe Threat…). This should lead to a foreign policy and strategy considering the necessity to both secure these key supplies and develop them.

Meanwhile, the untapped European resources should also be kept in mind. Europe should, in the light of the aim to triple nuclear energy production by 2050, starts developing its mines, all the more so considering the long timeline from exploration to production. In any case, ranking 7 worldwide for Europe further legitimates the March 2024 creation of the EU Nuclear Alliance (Declaration of the EU Nuclear Alliance, meeting of March 4th, 2024). Europe here could play a strong card in terms not only of energy security but also of international influence. Thanks to uranium, it could notably find back a leverage with the U.S., which could help the old continent win back its independence.

We then have Namibia with the policy to let foreigners develop Namibian mines. The mines in Namibia are operated mainly by China and Australian companies.

Also noteworthy, the U.S. only ranks 10. Not only its efforts to secure supply abroad are sparse, but part of its own uranium mines are operated by foreigners, mainly Canadian (note that Rosatom’s holdings of American mines were sold to Texas-based Uranium Energy Corp in Nov 2021, “UEC to buy Uranium One’s US uranium assets“, World Nuclear News, 9 Nov 2021).

Considering the U.S. current and future needs, we may wonder if the present apparent absence of interest and efforts overseas is strategically coherent. As highlighted above, hoping for Australian and Canadian supply may not be that secure. Furthermore, the cooperation between Russia and China in the peaceful use of nuclear energy, in the framework of China’s increasing needs in uranium, may strongly impact uranium availability.

To conclude, if we use the revisited perspective on uranium reserves and resources in the light of current uranium requirements and stakes regarding electricity production stemming from nuclear energy, we obtain the charts on the right hand side column below. For the sake of comparison we give the classical approach on the left hand side column.

The most staggering changes concern France, and of course, consequently, the EU with France, as well as Japan, thanks to its joint-ventures in Kazakhstan and to Japanese companies share in French Orano. We can see that the security of uranium supply for these three state and quasi-state is much stronger than initially thought. All move into the group of state actors with both important stakes in nuclear energy and a relatively balanced security in terms of supply and requirements.

The revisited approach reveals an improved situation for Russia and Canada, which already benefited from a secure and balance outlook. China’s situation also appears as better than thought.

By contrast, relatively, the U.S, appears as lagging behind the others.

Now, in this article, we have only looked at reserves and resources. Moving from reserves to production should add another layer of complexity to the issue.


Notes

(1) Similar approaches should also be developed for each stage of the fuel cycle to have an exhaustive vision of the field and its security.

(2) Following various circulars and frameworks signed in 2022, the activities of CNNC Group Ltd are defined as follows:

“The Group agreed to

i) act as the prioritised supplier of CNUC Group for its short term demand for natural uranium products and the regional sole supplier of CNUC Group for its medium-to-long-term demand for natural uranium products; and

ii) act as the exclusive authorised distributor for the sale and distribution of uranium products produced by the Rössing uranium mine (being indirectly owned by CNUC as to approximately 68.62%), for on-sale to third party customers in all countries and regions around the world except the PRC.”

2023 Annual Report, p. 6

(3) According to the NEA/IAEA, “in situ resources are referring to the estimated amount of uranium in the ground” before considering way to recover resources (pp. 10, 17). The NEA/IAEA then applies recovery factor to get the recovered resources (Ibid.). Here, in the case of Kazakhstan, the factor applied is 88,38% and 88,18% to go from in situ resources to recoverable ones.

(4) The more recent German BGR Energiestudie 2023 (Feb 2024) does not either allow reconciling data easily if we take Kazakhstan as example.

EN